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Submitted: 11 November, 2025

Accepted: 22 February, 2026

Published Online: 25 June, 2026

CITATION

Gedamu A.F. and Negash G. (2026). Ethnic

Interactions and Conicts in Maji Awraja and

Surrounding Areas: Historical Insights from

the 1980s to the Present. EthioInquiry

Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences.

Volume 5(1), 2026, 66-78.

https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

OPEN ACCESS

This work is licensed under the Creative

Commons Attribution 4.0 International

License (CC BY 4.0).

ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and

Social Sciences has been accredited by

FDRE Ministry of Education and indexed on

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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 66

https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403

FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Ethnic Interactions and Conflicts in Maji Awraja and Surrounding

Areas: Historical Insights from the 1980s to the Present

Amare Fenta Gedamu 1and Girma Negash 2

1PhD candidate, Department of History Addis Ababa University

2Associate Professor of History, Addis Ababa University

∗Corresponding Author’s email: sench2393@gmail.com

Abstract

This article investigates the conicting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja and its surrounding

areas from the 1980s to the present, aiming to challenge prevailing assumptions about the causes

of ethnic conict. Utilizing a combination of qualitative methods, including interviews and

historical document analysis, data was collected from local informants, government reports, and

scholarly literature. The analysis focused on identifying key contributing factors to the conict,

revealing that the movement of South Sudanese Toposa people into the interior parts of Maji

awraja basically searching for huge fertile and mineral rich (gold) lands, ethnic divisions within

local governance, and ineective governance at multiple levels were more signicant than

traditional explanations like resource competition and raiding. The principal ndings indicate

that political narratives and misrepresentations have obscured the complex realities of ethnic

relationships in the region. The study concludes that attempts to improve interethnic relations

have been largely unsuccessful, with persistent tensions and conicts rooted in historical

grievances and governance failures. It recommends that future conict resolution eorts

prioritize understanding local dynamics and historical contexts while enhancing governance

structures to address the underlying issues eectively. These implications suggest a need

for more nuanced policies that consider the socio-political landscape and historical injustices

impacting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja.

Keywords: conict interaction; conict resolution; ethnic division; government fail-

ures; historical injustices.

1 INTRODUCTION

The ethnic interactions in Maji awraja (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial administra-

tive divisions under the imperial and Derg regimes) its surrounding areas represent a

complex tapestry of historical grievances, cultural dynamics, and socio-political chal-

lenges that have signicantly shaped the region’s contemporary landscape (Abbink,

1993, pp. 675-680).

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Despite Ethiopia’s rich ethnic diversity, since the late 1980s the interplay between various groups, par-

ticularly the Dizi, Surma, and Toposa, has often been characterized by deep ethnic tensions and frequent

violent conicts (Abeje,2000, p. 5). This article examines the complex ethnic interactions and ongoing

conicts in Maji awraja and its surrounding areas, highlighting signicant ndings that emerge from

the historical and socio-political landscape of the region. The study addresses the objectives of uncov-

ering the root causes of ethnic conicts, the geographical dynamics that shape these interactions, and

the implications of governance failures in mitigating tensions. This study seeks to illuminate the un-

derlying causes of these conicts, moving beyond traditional narratives that emphasize cattle raiding

and cultural dierences.

Maji awraja, situated in the southwestern region of Ethiopia, exhibits a rich tapestry of ethnic diversity,

primarily inhabited by the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Toposa peoples. This geographical complexity,

marked by rugged mountainous terrains and proximity to the South Sudanese border, profoundly in-

uences interethnic relations and conict dynamics. Utilizing qualitative data collected from local in-

formants, historical documents, and government reports, this research challenges prevailing academic

assumptions about the root causes of ethnic conict without ignoring resource competition as a cause

of conict.

The ndings reveal that traditional explanations of ethnic conict, such as resource competition and

cattle raiding, are insucient in understanding the root causes of the ongoing tensions. Instead, the

movement of the South Sudanese Toposa people, ineective governance structures, and deep-seated

historical grievances have been identied as critical factors exacerbating the conict. These factors have

fostered an environment of mistrust and animosity among the ethnic groups, leading to increased com-

petition for dwindling resources. The escalation of conicts is further characterized by the proliferation

of modern weaponry and the breakdown of traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. Consequently,

the consequences of these conicts are severe, resulting in loss of life, forced displacement, and the

destabilization of local governance structures.

In general, this article emphasizes the importance of understanding the intricate interplay of historical

grievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conicts in Maji awraja. It

underscores the need for tailored conict resolution strategies that acknowledge local dynamics and

enhance governance structures, ultimately aiming to foster sustainable peace and coexistence among

the diverse ethnic groups in the region.

1.1 Geographical Setting of Maji awraja and its Society

This section provides a historical overview of the settlement patterns and socio-political organization

of the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples in Maji awraja, (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial admin-

istrative divisions under the imperial Ethiopian system) shedding light on the root causes of ongoing

conicts in the area. By examining the transformation of traditional livelihoods, community structures,

and interethnic relations, we explore how the historical context has shaped current tensions. Therefore,

this brief historical description of the layout of the woredas (an administrative structure below awraja

administrative structure in Ethiopian Imperial and Derg regimes) and settlement patterns of these peo-

ple are meant to understand the root cause of the conict in the area. The socio-political and economic

organizations of the ethnic groups reveal a rich story of resilience and adaptability within the commu-

nity.

Before 1991, Maji awraja was one of the sub-administrative divisions under the former Kaa Kaa Teklay

Administration and later Kaa Kiehager province of Ethiopia (Gebre-Hawariya,2013, p. 5); (Zewdu

&Laqäw,1991). It is now known as the West Omo Zone in the Southwestern People’s Regional State.

The Maji awraja was bordered by Sudan in the West, the River Omo in the South and Southeast, and by

Kaa awraja and River Omo to the East (Kebede,1952). Maji awraja included the land and peoples of

Dessenech, Nyangatom, Turkana, Toposa, Murle, Karo, and Mursi. Additionally, the awraja extended

up to the Boma plateau in 1936, while the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Zilmamo are ethnic communities

who have always been inhabitants of the awraja (Garretson,1986, pp. 212-216).

The Dizi people reside in three woredas: Mehal Maji, Kurit, and Bero. Bero woreda Administration was

bordered by several other woredas and had one sub-woreda Administration called Dami, with Jabba as

its capital. The Zilmamo predominantly lived in three villages Moga, Gotita, Nameri, and Bebhseni.

The Mehal Maji woreda was divided into two deputy woreda Administrations: Kelt and U’r, while the

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Kurit woreda Administration had one deputy Administration called Sisky (Kabada,1952). The majority

of the Dizi people live in mountainous, rugged land covered with dense natural forests, where they

practice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry (Zerihun,1993). The Dizi were arranged hierarchi-

cally in both their governmental and social spheres, at least since the start of the 18th century (Gebre-

Hawariya,2013). There were over 39 competitive, autonomous Dizi sections, with smaller chiefdoms

existing before Emperor Menelik IIs conquest and continued to exist in the form of balabat territories.

Their boundaries were often unclear, with informants attempting to dene them by clan names. Sec-

tion and clan leaders managed administrative tasks for each chief. The Dizi upper nobility was divided

into three hierarchies, with Kiyaz as the highest rank, while the upper middle rank was called Key, and

Burj, was the title for the lower tier. The middle aristocracies were the Doni and Nianng responsible

for implementing the upper nobility’s directives within a Dizi chiefdom. The working class, including

peasants and serfs, formed the largest segment of the population. The lowest level consisted of occu-

pational castes, such as hunters, smiths, potters, and tanners, who were often disregarded (Interview:

Maji, September, 2023).

In the present days the Me’enit people live in three woredas namely: Goldiya, Shasha, and Gore Gesha.

The historical Goldiya woreda was in the East of Maji town and bordered by Kaa awraja administration,

Berebere River, and Shasha woreda administration. Shasha woreda had one deputy woreda called Jemu

deputy administration. Shasha town served as the capital due to its strategic location. Gesha woreda

was north of Maji town and divided into two sub-woreda Administrations. The highland Me’enit woredas

of Goldiya and Gesha also practice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry in mountainous, rugged

areas with dense natural forests (Kebede,1952).

The Me’enit society was characterized by at least 15 rival chiefs across four main geographical areas

of Goldiya, Shasha, Gore Gesha and Decha. the Me’enit were loosely organized social and political

group. This was because the Me’enit political administration did not evolve into formal chiefdoms with

established hierarchies. Instead, clan groups (du’ut, zuk-te) form the fundamental units of their social

structure. However, there were some clans who held greater legitimacy and exerted control over others,

suggesting that Komurut were chiefs of clans within specic chiefdoms or territorial subdivisions rather

than heads of a single clan.

Abbink (1986) notes, groups within chiefdom had a form of ”cultural division of labor,” which inu-

enced the community’s social and political structure. Certain clan subsets, like the Boshu clan family,

were entrusted with religious duties, overseeing rain, land fertility, and the populace. Most of the pop-

ulation lives mixed agricultural and lowland Me’enits lived as pastoralists, while specic groups are

known for their specialized skills. Their social structure was exible and dynamic, with status and

positions frequently changing due to conict (Abbink,1991).

The Surma people predominantly live in the Tirma-Ted woreda, which shared boundaries with the Cen-

tral/Mahal Maji woreda in the East, the Sudan government in the South, and the Galeb woreda in the

North. To the North, it was adjacent to the Bero woreda. The Tirma-Tid woreda was divided into two

deputies woredas, namely Banbu and Ted (Dubale,1968;Kebede,1952). They had formed two major

sections which in turn further divided. The Tirma section of Suri contains four clans, while the Chai

section contains six sub sections. The Suri socio-political system favored communalism, with social di-

visions based only on clan and age, rejecting hierarchical organization. The Suri are kinship-oriented,

with patrilineal clans playing a key role in marriage and ceremonies (Abbink,1998). Elders hold polit-

ical authority, while the komoru serves as a ceremonial leader, embodying community harmony and

spiritual communication. The gulsa is a secular village leader who derives authority from the komoru’s

blessing but cannot perform all of the komoru’s duties. The gulsa is responsible for maintaining law

and order in the community.

The Suri, as a pastoral society practiced age-grade governance, holding elections every 25 to 30 years

throughout the early nineteenth century (Abbink,1986, pp. 22–41). The Suri age system categorizes

people into four groups: junior elders (rora), senior elders (Bara), children (lusi), and young warriors

(tegay). Leadership is assumed by the rora, or third-age grade, which changes every 25 to 30 years. Once

initiated, these individuals become decision-makers. Senior or retired elders, along with the reigning

rora elders, hold the most political power. The younger tegay males are expected to respect and honor

the elders, recognizing their role as the backbone of political society (Abbink,2003, pp. 25-45); (Abbink,

1998, pp. 325-27). Women in the Suri society derived their age-grade status from their spouses instead

of undergoing their own initiation.

Over the years these three ethnic groups Dizi, Me’enit, and Suri peoples had experienced signicant

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internal social, political, and economic transformations. There was a gradual rise in the authority of

their leaders, leading to the emergence of ranking families and increased interethnic conicts.

The Toposa people, pastoralists from Eastern South Sudan who often sought grass in Ethiopia’s moun-

tainous regions during the dry season (Abbink,1993, p. 329). However, since 1968, these Sudanese

people of the Topossa inltrated in to the Surma inhabited rst Tirma Tid woreda of Ethiopia, and then

in Bero woreda and thus causing conict with the Dizi and Suri people (Interview: Tum, June, 2023).

For all these cultural groups’ livestock herding was the main livelihood strategy. The society primarily

herded livestock such as cattle and goats, with limited cultivation along seasonally ooded riverbanks.

Those closer to Lake Turkana relied more on shing. In the remote past their relations and interac-

tions were mainly centered on competing for resources and cattle raiding. Due to internal and external

factors their interactions had got complicated.

In the next section we will see how this was changed over time. These communities maintain amicable

ties with each other through the exchange of goods and services on the market, marriage, and rituals.

These groups sell and buy items on the Tum and Maji market from one another, crosscutting group

boundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting one

another in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. Similarly, the Suri used to

regard the Dizi as ritual makers during dry seasons. Many stories are told about the historically created

marriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an eort to cultivate good relations between Dizi

and their neighbors (Ibid). Similarly, the Dizi have maintained their amicable relation with Me’enit

(Abbink,2009). Both groups sell and buy items on the market from one another, crosscutting group

boundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting one

another in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. The story of one of the Dizi

chiefs, Mäŝikiyaz, was an important political and social link between the two ethnic groups. Similar

stories are told about the historically created marriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an eort

to cultivate good relations between Dizi and their neighbors. In the past, there were fewer conicts,

partly because droughts were less frequent. The level of destruction was also minimal, as traditional

weapons were used. Due to the traditional peace-making mechanisms and a culture of interdependence

or reciprocity elders were able to resolve such conicts through, for instance, intermarriage and Jala

(friendship) (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023).

Today, the situation has changed signicantly. Conicts are occurring more frequently and with greater

intensity, and the underlying causes and actors involved have become increasingly complex. One ma-

jor factor contributing to these conicts is the growing water shortage. As pastoralists face diminishing

access to water and grazing land, they are compelled to travel greater distances in search of these essen-

tial resources. This struggle not only intensies competition among dierent groups but also heightens

tensions, leading to conicts over increasingly scarce resources (Ibid). The above analysis reveals a rich

tapestry of resilience and adaptability among these communities, while also highlighting the complex-

ity of modern conicts exacerbated by resource scarcity, the introduction of modern weaponry, and

the marginalization of local governance (Fernyhough,1994, pp. 5-10). The introduction of advanced

rearms has transformed the dynamics of conict; traditional methods of resolving disputes have been

overshadowed by more lethal confrontations, resulting in higher casualties and signicant destruction.

Understanding these dynamics is crucial for addressing the evolving nature of interethnic conicts in

the region. The next section of this article will explore the fundamental causes of the conicts.

2 Methodology

2.1 Qualitative Research Design

This study adopts a qualitative research design to explore the intricate ethnic interactions and conicts

in Maji awraja. By employing this approach, the research aims to achieve a nuanced understanding of

the social, historical, and cultural dynamics that inuence these ethnic relationships.

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2.2 Data Collection Methods

Interviews: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 23 local informants. This method enabled

the collection of personal narratives and insights regarding ethnic relations and conicts directly from

those impacted by these issues. Focus on root factors and Key Contributing Factors The interview and

its analysis examine root and critical factors that contribute to ethnic conicts, transcending traditional

explanations such as resource competition. Key factors explored include:

• The migration of South Sudanese Toposa people.

• Ethnic divisions within local governance structures.

• Ineective governance at multiple administrative levels.

Historical Document Analysis: The researchers engaged in a thorough analysis of existing historical

documents, reports, and scholarly literature. This investigation provides a contextual framework for the

study, allowing for the identication of historical grievances and shifts in governance over time. Gov-

ernment Reports: The study incorporates data from Bench Maji Zone Administrative Oce, archives

mainly government reports that discuss issues related to ethnic conicting interactions, conict reso-

lutions and resource management, and local governance structures. Thematic Analysis; Data collected

from interviews and document analysis was systematically analyzed to identify emergent themes and

patterns related to ethnic relationships, conict dynamics, and governance issues. This thematic anal-

ysis highlights the underlying causes of tensions and informs the recommendations presented in the

article. Contextual Framework: The research emphasizes a contextual understanding, highlighting the

historical and socio-political landscapes that shape ethnic interactions in Maji awraja. This approach

underscores the importance of local dynamics in formulating eective conict resolution strategies.

3 Result and Discussion

3.1 The Root Causes of the Ethnic Conicts in Maji awraja

In 1898, the Ethiopian Imperial administration introduced a new administrative system, along with

the slave and ivory trade to Maji awraja (Margery,1948, p. 330). However, Maji had a worse imperial

administrative structure in the 1920s and 1930s than other regions of the nation because of the insecu-

rity and exploitation (Margery,1948, pp. 333-34). Moreover, Maji’s location along the Ethio-Sudanese

border made the Ethiopian administration complex. The border divided pastoral populations, posing

challenges to eective administration and the creation of a national identity. This division provided an

opportunity for the local society to evade state administration. For example, when tribute or taxes were

demanded from Surma pastoralist society, many of them would ee to Sudan to avoid these demands

(Salvadori,2010, p. 135). The arms, slaves and ivory trading and poaching practices were major sources

of the insecurity and conict in the region.

On the other hand, the government of imperial Ethiopia since the late 1940s was making eorts to stabi-

lize the region and attempting to manage the border in order to control tax evaders and to control ethnic

conict and prevent the inltration of South Sudanese Toposa people across the border. The eort was

not strong enough as it was based on occasional mobile military surveillance and expeditions were the

common strategy of administering the border. Probably due to the worsening security situation in of

the area in 1947 the imperial government had established three military bases which continued func-

tioning until the last years of the Derg regime (Mamo1968) but couldn’t stop the Toposa encroachment

and ethnic conicts (Seid,2019, p. 57).

One of the reasons why government of Ethiopia failed to deploy permanent army along the border was

as informants narrate it was due to the hot climate and lack of agricultural practice among the Suri

and Me’enit people. According to informants thus to ll the lack of northern and Christian state per-

sonnel who were unfamiliar to the hot climate of the Tirma Tid woreda, the government relied on Dizi

chiefs and their relatives who had no problem of living in the hot area were recruited as government

functionaries like police, governor and tax collectors. the Ethiopian government therefore assumed

control of border areas and implemented indirect rule through traditional chiefs in the post Italian im-

perial administration. After the Italians withdrawal and the pacication process in the early 1940s, the

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Ethiopian government took control of the army outposts and promised to improve the administrative

framework. As discussed above it established three military posts having 700 soldiers. In addition the

state indirectly inuenced settled farmers to maintain local peace and collect taxes through traditional

chiefs (Seid,2019, p. 45). Moreover, as sources claimed that the security problem of the awraja was

a principal factor for the extension of miketel wäräda administrations (deputy woreda). Thus for the

Surma the Dizi would mean part of the central government which was known for its exploitative and

harsh administrative practices. In the long run this had caused suspicion and hostility among the Dizi

and Suri.

As it is well known, the Italian occupation (1935-36) had profound eects on Ethiopian society and pol-

itics, leading to a complex aftermath characterized by conict, resistance, and attempts at national re-

building (Zewde,2000). Maji Awrajja, in 1941-1943, was characterized by tension and chaos (Pankhurst,

1996, pp. 35-77). In this period the number of rearms in the hands of the natives had increased in dif-

ferent ways. Firstly Italians had left a lot of guns behind when they left the area at many locations nation,

secondly, the British distributed and equipped local individuals against the restored imperial govern-

ment and Ethiopian military while conducting the mopping up operations gave rearms to involving

native individuals. All of these factors increased the number of rearms among the Dizi, Me’enits and

the Suri. Chiefs and small, local communities beneted most from these weapons. As the result the bal-

ance of military power was maintained, so that ethnic conicts were rare. In fact in the period between

the liberation in 1941 to 1991 the conict of the area was centered more against the state (Interview:

Maji, June, 2023). All attempts of the government to disarm the equipped local chiefs and community

members had all ended in asco, except few successes among the Dizi and Me’enits. The Surma who

are living in extreme areas remained armed all through the time and in the late 1980s they had got

access to modern rearms from the Sudanese People Liberation Army (SPLA). When the rise of the

EPRDF (Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democracy Front) in May 1991, military bases and police sta-

tions were removed from the Maji area, allowing the SPLA to sell arms to the Surma and encouraging

and arming the Toposa people with more advanced guns that the Surma, they were capable to displace

the Surma from Tirma Tid woreda. This situation contributed for the shift of military power between

the Dizi, Me’enit and Surma, the Surma acquiring Kilashinkov (Seid,2019, p. 53).

Despite promises by the EPRDF government to address the issues, no real attempts were made until

the late 1990s when the deployment of military forces was agreed upon but not realized. This has left

the Surma and Dizi elders feeling deeply betrayed. What most contributed in the shift of balance of

military power between the Surma and Dizi was the incomplete disarmament of eort of the EPRDF

government, only Dizi were disarmed and the Suri remained armed. (Interview: Maji, September,

2023).

Due to pressure from the Toposa and famines in 1980 and 1984, the Surma people were forced to leave

their ancestral land in the Tirma-Tid woreda and settled in the Dizi-inhabited woreda of Bero. At this

time the well-armed Surma were able to displace the Dizi from sixteen kebeles (the lowest adminis-

trative unit) and settled in the high land areas of Mehal Maji woreda. The evacuation of the Ethiopian

army from the border led to the disintegration of the Tirma-Tid woreda administration, facilitating the

occupation of the area by South Sudanese peoples (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023). Moreover, ac-

cording to informants after 1991, the Sudan People’s Liberation Front provided training and modern

equipment to the Toposa, leading to their dominance over the Surma. Therefore, the Toposa have ac-

cess to better equipment than the local government. The lack of control in the international border area

by the Ethiopian side allowed for invasion by the Toposa backed by the SPLA (Interview: Tum, June,

2023).

The forceful occupation of pastures by the Toposa in the 1970s and 1980s, along with the support they

received from the Sudan People’s Liberation Front led to the displacement of the Surma people from

their ancestral lands to areas west of the Kibish River. Since 1991, the Toposa have taken over much

of the fertile pastures in the Tima-Tid areas of the southern and central Surma. They have built huts,

started irrigated farms, and even built a school in the Surma woreda, as reported by Surma informants.

Even today the Toposa are occupying grazing land in South West Surma and their attacks from Sudan

have resulted in an increased in their numbers, estimated to be between 20,000-30,000 locally. They are

regularly seen in Kibish, town the capital of Surma woreda, and its surroundings, deep into Ethiopian

territory, around more than 150 km from the border. (Interview: Maji , September, 2023). The following

narrative of the informant vividly explains the root cause of the conict.

When the Derg dictatorship was nearing its end in 1990, many Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma people pur-

chased weapons that were being sold by the army. After the rise of the EPRDF in 1991, ocials aimed

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to disarm the populace. As a result, EPRDF ocials collected guns from the Dizi and Me’enit commu-

nities, eectively disarming them. The Surma people were willing to give up their long-held weapons

but wanted improved border security rst. Surma suggested using local weapons to protect the borders

until the military arrived, showing concern for safety and life-saving measures. Emperor Haileselesie

and the Derg stationed forces from Mardur to guard borders. The Surma people were willing to give

up their weapons only after the military left and a new border-protection system was in place. The

Surma forcefully expanded their territory, leading to conict. The Dizi people suered food shortages

and oppression as a result. The once close relationship between the Dizi and Surma has weakened,

resulting in fewer connections between the two groups (Interview: Maji, September, 2023).

Surma’s perspective on the root cause of ethnic conict emphasizes historical grievances and long-

standing animosities between the Dizi and Surma ethnic groups. The Surma viewpoint argues that

conicts are the result of deep-rooted historical injustices, including land disputes and oppression.

Cattle raiding had little to do with the conict. Their main source of contention with the Toposa was

their shared Ethio-South Sudan boundary and cattle raiding. Cattle raiding and gold mining areas were

their primary points of concern with the Me’enit and Agnwa, respectively. The following statement

from a Surma informant illuminates the Surma perspective more clearly.

Since ancient times, we Surmas went to Maji and trade in the market. In times of famine, we went to the

market and buy food. We raised some people as friends and our son. We marry Dizi women. My wife

is a Dizi woman. But now the conict is stupid. It is the individuals who create the conict, not the

politics that created the conict. The hardest conict started after the 1991 regime change (Interview,

Kibish, June, 2023).

When I asked my Surma informants about a possible root cause of the conict with the Dizi being

the cause of the current conict, they unequivocally dismissed the territorial notion. According to my

sources, the issues between the Surma and Dizi stem from elsewhere.

We do not have a border conict with the Dizi. Our borders and relations concern only with Sudan. As

Ethiopians, we recognize boundaries solely with Sudan. However, tensions exist with the Dizi due to

their role as agents of oppression under imperial and authoritarian regimes. As state enforcers, the Dizi

persecuted our people. Surma civilians fell victim to a coordinated attack by Dizi local forces partnered

with the central government’s military. In this regard, we always remember the events of atrocities

that happened to the Surma people at Nameri, Dishu Gurbali, and Maji town. It is this dark history of

subjugation and atrocities, not border dispute that lies at the heart of contemporary conicts between

the Surma and Dizi peoples (Interview: Kibish, June, 2023).

When I spoke to my Surma informants about the impact of the Toposa invasion on their territories,

they conrmed that signicant portions of Surma woreda lands, particularly in the southern and central

Surma Mountains around Tirma Ted and Chai, have fallen under Toposa dominance. They indicated

that the Toposas have taken control of mining operations, and irrigation farms, and have built schools

on land traditionally inhabited by the Surma, causing signicant grievance in the area. They were

compelled to evacuate from the woreda but argued that they resettled in their ancestral lands. All the

territories we currently inhabited are the lands we have inherited, as other Surma who faced expulsion

relocated to their forefathers’ domains as well. The only land reportedly taken by from the Dizi are

Kollu and Dirabi (Ibid). The Surma informants’ account of the preceding circumstances teaches us that

the Surma and Dizi ethnic groups coexisted in the same area by planning their territorial settlement in a

methodically manner. The Dizi people settled in the mountainous and forested areas, while the Surma

people inhabited the lowlands of Maji and Bero woredas. Therefore, the Surma people lived outside of

the Surma woreda before 1991.

In 1991, the EPRDF government introduced a new form of governance to modernize society and the

state. As the result Ethnic groups in Ethiopia were allowed to establish their own self administrative

structure depending on their territorial and population size. The Maji awraja and its society were rec-

ognized as Dizi Me’enit and Surma people’s territory and shared among. However, as discussed above

the Tirma-Tid woreda, the core Surma country was collapsed and was taken over by the Toposa long

years ago, while most of the Surma people lived in the lowlands of the Maji and Bero woredas, under

the Dizi chiefs. The newly structured/organized Dizi self-administrative woredats had maintained the

ancient Dizi territories in which the Surma were living. Due to this and the Toposa occupation case the

Suri were not granted a self-administration woreda until 1994.

In 1994 the Surma self-administrative woreda was established from parts of the Maji and Bero woredas

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after 1994 (Interview: Tum, September, 2023). The Dizi were not happy with the government’s attempt

to reorganize the Surma self-administrative woreda. The Surma people are dissatised with the Dizi

claim on areas in the Maji and Bero woredas, where they have lived for a long time. The Dizi are asking

for the Surma to be removed from these areas. The regional and national administration failure to

restore Tirma Tid woreda the local administrative divisions and ethnic-based federalism in such fragile

security area have disrupted traditional cooperation and relations (Gemeda,1990), leading to increased

insecurity and strict exclusion regulations for those who were living together as neighboring ethnic

groups (Ibid).

On the other hand, the EPRDF leaders claimed that the woreda-level self-administrative division in for-

mer Maji awraja was based on ethnic lines (Tegegne &Kassahun,2004, pp. 2-25), but as we see it today

these ethnic groups are exercising self-administration in more than two woreda, therefore they felt iso-

lated from their keens’ but former woreda administration from the previous regime, continued except

the Surma. These ethnic self-administration policies of the EPRDF have damaged established tradi-

tional political institutions’ ability to resolve disputes, and they should be seen as the primary cause of

the prolonged ethnic conict in the area (Ibid).

Last but not least the disintegration traditional governance and conict resolution methods moral order

among the Surma and others should be considered as exacerbating factors. These traditional practices

were not merely rules; they were lifelines that helped maintain community stability, reminding every-

one that in the face of conict, the ultimate goal was harmony and unity. Through these rituals, the

Suri in particular demonstrated their commitment to preserving the social fabric of their community,

ensuring that even in dicult times; they could nd pathways to understanding and peace. However,

since the late 1980s, these traditional systems have signicantly declined, undermining their ability to

manage conicts (interview: Kibish, September, 2023).

3.2 Courses and Consequences of the Conict

This section delves into the courses and consequences of the conict rst by summarizing the root

causes of ethnic conicts in Maji awraja, tracing their origins to historical administrative failures, colo-

nial legacies, and complex socio-political dynamics among the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples as

discussed above. Beginning with the disruptive eects of Ethiopian imperial governance and the Ital-

ian occupation, the analysis highlights how the introduction of rearms and the lack of eective border

management exacerbated tensions. The fragmentation of traditional governance structures since 1974

at least, the decline of traditional conict resolution methods, alongside the impact of external pres-

sures such as the Toposa’s encroachment as coupled with ethnic-based federalism under the EPRDF,

has further destabilized interethnic relations, leading to a resurgence of conict. Ultimately resource

competition, underscores the multifaceted nature of the ongoing strife in the region. As compared

to the Dizi the Surma have increasingly used modern rearms to assert control over these territories,

including strategic locations rich in resources like gold.

The Majj awraja societies have been heavily armed for a long time and this situation troubled the admin-

istrators of the time of the emperor (Salvadori,2010, p.210). Cross-border rearms trade were found

lucrative and there were a trade- in arms from Addis Ababa to Dima, which is to satisfy the demand for

weapons needed by the gold producers to protect themselves from the attacks of Agniwa and Surma.

However, it was the Sudan People’s Liberation Front’s involvement in the trade and support for the

Topasa in the 1980s that had changed the type and size of arms in the region. On the other hand the

Toposa’s expansion which was backed by highly sophisticated weapons greatly aected the Surma as

they were forced to evacuate from the Tirma Tid areas and expanded in to the less armed Me’enit

Shasha, and Dizi in Bero, and Maji woredas of the awraja. This had resulted vicious of conicts in the

area. According to the Dizi informants, this expansion of the Surma into their territory becomes more

pronounced during every summer season since then (Interview: Tum, June, (2023). According to these

informants, the Surma were expanding by armed forces into regions potentially containing gold mines.

The Dizi complained that the Surma herdsmen, with the Surma woreda government’s support, were

relocating and taking control of trampled land, granting the Kebele structure to Surma residents. The

Surma were said to be residing in and managing the ancient Dizi territory, which was fully under their

control after 1991.

Compounding these territorial disputes are socio-economic dynamics, particularly high dowry de-

mands linked to cattle ownership. The Dizi were disproportionately aected due to increased Surma

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cattle raiding. According to the Surma tradition of marriage arrangement a young man to marry a girl,

must provide thirty to forty cattle and a Kalashnikov weapon with full ammunition as a dowry. On the

other hand, the cost of livestock and weapons had been raised rapidly. So that Surma youths, often in

groups of ve to ten, use modern weapons such as the Kalashnikov for cattle raiding to gather wealth

for marriage and worsening the conict as they not only raid cattle but also kill anyone they encoun-

tered. They also set re to homes and other property. These actions have resulted in signicant losses

for the less armed Dizi in terms of both cattle and human lives due to retaliatory attacks and attempts to

recover stolen animals (BMZOA Archive). The conict escalates with retaliatory attacks from the Dizi

against Surma aggressions, resulting in direct confrontations in highland areas of Maji. Between 1989

and 1998, this strife accounted for numerous casualties and the theft of cattle valued at over nine million

birr (BMZOA Archive). However, the Dizi have sought refuge in highland areas, but even there, they

have not found peace from attacks. The Surma and Dizi are directly ghting in the hills and highlands

between 1989 and 1998 ((BMZOA Archive). The conict between the Surma and the Dizi escalated

every year as the Toposa continued pushing the Surma. Also, as the Surma continue to face pressure

from the Toposa, their expansion incurs further skirmishes, in territories traditionally inhabited by the

Me’enit. In due course of time the importance of cattle has grown in the lowland community, leading to

conicts between the Surma and the Dizi, Mienit, and Toposa, often arising from the desire to acquire

more cattle for higher dowries.

The clashes are particularly pronounced between dierent ethnic groups in gold-producing areas, where

competition for resources intensies conicts. The expansion of the Agwak in the Bero and its sur-

rounding areas had led to further instability, exacerbating violence and provoking retaliatory actions.

The socio-economic fabric of aected communities has been severely disturbed, with widespread vio-

lence and atrocities marking the landscape of ethnic conict. This unrest has resulted in dierent forms

of violence, including targeted attacks and mass killings during communal gatherings, which further

proliferate cycles of retribution (Interview: Kibish, September, (2023).

The zonal government has not stopped the conicts and displacement of the Dizi and Surma ethnic

group members. Moreover, the conict extended to the Me’enit due to the Surma’s incursion into the

Me’enit Shasha woreda and prevalent cultural and economic circumstances. The dispute between the

Surma and the Me’enit remains unresolved according to Surma informants (Interview: Kibish, Septem-

ber, (2023).

As the course and consequence of the conict we can consider the disintegration of Surma society and

the reign of riotous spirit. Since the major displacement of the Surma people from the Tirma and Tid

woredas to the Dizi and Me’enit areas things changed rapidly. Three conditions have led to the collapse

of the traditional socio-cultural values that support the authority of Surma elders to solve the mutual

murders that spread in the area. These are: the proliferation of automatic weapons and their availabil-

ity, the introduction of alcoholic drinks, and the increase in spending money that young Surma have

accumulated by producing gold (Interview: Kibish, September, 2023). As the result among the Surma

violence and atrocities had become widespread. The Surma group conicts were characterized by acts

of violence, ranging from riots and targeted attacks and killings were common during the traditional

ritual of stick ghting, during which hundreds of youths are regularly collected. During this period,

they easily carry out revenge actions due to emotional impulses. In this process, new circumstances

were created that cause revenge. The main actors of this action were the underage youngsters, who

were highly armed and disobedient to their elders. According to informants, this situation had reached

the level of genocide, and 10-15 murders were committed every month (Interview: Tum, June, (2023).

These acts of violence could result in the displacement of populations, destruction of communities, and

loss of life. It seems that the basic reason for the destruction of socio-cultural institutions of power is

that they were forced to migrate from Surma traditional lands in the last generation.

3.3 Local and Regional Conict Resolution Initiatives

This section examines local and regional conict resolution initiatives aimed at addressing intereth-

nic disputes in Maji awraja, focusing on the evolution of customary methods in the face of changing

conict dynamics. The conict over cattle raiding and disputes over resources were resolved through

customary methods, but the nature of conicts changed in the 1980s. Despite the change in the na-

ture of conict, these days, the ethnic communities continue to practice indigenous reconciliation rites,

which have been historically eective in resolving interethnic disputes, including murder and raids.

The Dizi conict resolution custom is known as the ”doe,” among Me’enit it is referred to as ”asha”,

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and among the Surma it is called “ligin”. Interestingly all the customs the procedure entails are similar.

A public gathering of the disputing parties was followed by a ritual reconciliation ceremony and elder

mediation based on an agreement for in-kind or cash restitution. The local chiefs of the aected ethnic

groups held a reconciliation ritual during a period of increased and frequent interethnic hostilities in

the area. The ritual might go on for several days. It includes killing two or more black oxen, washing

the local chiefs in the blood of the killed animals, slicing open the carcass and drying the peritoneum on

the fresh hide, the local chiefs of the respective groups swearing not to make the same mistakes again,

washing their hands in the green material found in the dead animal’s digestive tract, and hanging the

dried peritoneum strips around the necks of the individuals in dispute (Interview: Tum, Kibish and

Jammu June to September, (2023).

Even while they provided short-term xes, these traditional methods of reconciliation were no longer

successful in resolving disputes. Since the 1980s, in particular, their power to regulate interethnic rela-

tions has decreased and, even if there have been some recent reconciliation ceremonies; they were brief

and prone to being broken. Because of their constant obsession with the idea that guns have super-

natural abilities, the Surma are typically the ones who break these kinds of reconciliation agreements

(Interview: Tum, June, (2023). Informants stated that local ocials and elders led at least one recon-

ciliation ritual annually. A large-scale tripartite reconciliation ritual ceremony of the Surma, Me-enit,

and Dizi peoples was held at Tum Airplane Field in February 1994. At this time also all of the previ-

ously described reconciliation rituals were performed. However, informants stressed that the Surma

had breached the terms and said to have had raided the Dizi barely eighteen days after the peace cer-

emony. All, however, remained unsuccessful. (Interview, Tum, and June 2023). The Suri informants

have agreed on the facts of the reconciliation conferences but consistently argue that the Dizi took the

responsibility of the breaching of reconciliations made (Interviewee: Kibish, September, (2023),

Similarly regional, zonal and civil society organizations that operate on the subject of peace and secu-

rity have made multiple attempts at reconciliation. The highest level reconciliation meetings were led

during the reign of Ato. Abate Kisho, Ato. Hailemariam Dessalegn, Ato. Shiferaw Shigute, who ad-

ministered the South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) from 1994 to 2018 at various

points in time. Similarly all contemporary Presidents of the Bench Maji zone also involved in reconcili-

ation eorts including Mr. Wondimu Gebre, the last president of the dual zone Bench-Maji zone before

its split in to two zones, Bench Sheko and West Omo zones). The two civil society organizations, Mercy

Corps and Pact Ethiopia were known for implementing projects on peace and security problems in the

Zone since the late 1990s. These three agencies were working together mainly on facilitating consulta-

tive meetings, arranging and sponsoring reconciliation ceremonies and community dialogue on peace

building and rehabilitation works (interviewee: Mizan, May, (2023). All parties ignored the root causes

of the conict and considered the traditional cattle raiding and resource competition as the cause (In-

terview: Maji, September, 2023). As discussed above the root cause of the conict was and is the lack

of security at the Ethio-South Sudanese border, and the responsibility of managing and solving this

situation through the traditional conict resolution method is beyond the capacity of the local chiefs

and regional government of the former SNNPRS and the zonal and woreda administrations.

The Surma and Dizi communities strongly believe that the Federal Defense Forces should forcibly return

the Toposa there to Sudan. The Toposa in Surma woreda are large in number and have been in the area

for a long time (more than 30 years in some southern parts of the woreda) (Interview: Tum, September,

(2023). This has proven to be the most dicult aspect of the process. In connection with this, there

is widespread resentment in the area due to lack of government intervention in the area. Maji was

a place where the central government has been relatively strong and active since the late twentieth

century. There are also instances of nostalgic comparisons to the past (Ibid). Other strategies used

by the government to solve the problem include: police protection and the local army. Since the last

years of the 1990s there have been attempts to strengthen the police force in Surma woreda and other

pastoralist areas by training more pastoralist ocers (BMZAO archives). However, police stations were

established in all woredas, but limited to cities (Interview: Kibish and Tum, June, (2023). As discussed

above, the disarmament activities that were started in the early 1990s were ineective and the outcome

created a military imbalance between the Surma who were least aected as they were not disarmed the

Dizi who were highly aected as they were disarmed.

Promoting socio-economic development in all the woredas of Maji proper was widely accepted as a so-

lution to the problem as the governments and local NGOs believed. According to the governments and

local NGOs the root cause of the conict was underdevelopment. (Bench Maji Zone Administration

oce/BMZAO/ Archive). Based on the belief that development projects were implemented and some

success has been achieved in the construction of government oce buildings, police stations, educa-

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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 76

tional programs, and road works in Kibish, Tum, and Jabba towns (Archive BMZAO Bench-Maji Zone

Department of Peace and security, 2014 annual report p. 24). It was accepted by informants also that

in some areas, especially in the Bero woreda where social services project were in good condition, the

relationship between Dizi and Surma (Bali) was more peaceful than others (Interviewee: Tum, June,

(2023). According to informants however, these social services have been seriously damaged due to

the ongoing conicts and the lack of sucient resources to rehabilitate hampered their eectiveness,

especially transportation to move around the woredas.

Despite the above peace building the attempts, many voices of complaint have been heard among the

Dizi. In other words, all the attempts were unsatisfactory for them. For the Dizi elites the cause of con-

ict in the area’ results from the administrators’ discriminatory practices is due to discrimination by the

administrators against the Dizi as what had been considered Dizi areas were given to the Surma self-

administration wareda. Thus all the solutions should emanate from building faith among the Dizi and

Surma, the Dizi demanded that the Surma people can live in the territory as any Ethiopian citizens but

the territory must reintegrated to the Dizi woreda administration and restoring the Tirma Tid woreda ad-

ministration for the Surma people. According to the Dizi view no other solutions can convince them and

thus they thought that they were being isolated and unprotected (Interview: Tum, September, (2023).

On the other hand, one can say that the labeling of Surma as oenders while the Dizi understanding

the root cause of the conict should not force them to think that they were the only helpless.

4 Conclusion

The analysis presented in this article elucidates the complex interplay of historical grievances, ineec-

tive governance, and material drivers such as cattle, gold, and marriage dowries in shaping the ethnic

conicts within Maji awraja. Specic violent incidents, including armed raids and brutal confronta-

tions, underscore the urgent need to address these prevailing tensions. This article recognizes that the

competition for cattle—long viewed not only as a vital economic resource but also as a marker of social

status—has intensied conicts among the Dizi, Surma, and Toposa groups. As dowries continue to

rise, with young men required to provide substantial herds coupled with weapons, the cycle of vio-

lence is perpetuated. The fragility of peace is further threatened by the allure of gold mining, which

has attracted both local and external actors, exacerbating territorial disputes and armed encounters over

resource control.

Historically, these conicts are rooted in the legacies of poor governance and inadequate administra-

tive frameworks that have failed to regulate inter-ethnic relations eectively. The political narratives

shaped by historical injustices have fostered mistrust, complicating local dynamics. In this context, the

lack of functional governance structures has allowed armed groups to ourish, further destabilizing the

region. Ultimately, the ndings suggest that addressing these interwoven factors historical grievances,

economic drivers, and governance failures holds the key to fostering sustainable peace in Maji awraja.

Without acknowledging the material realities and historical contexts underpinning these conicts, any

attempts at reconciliation or conict resolution are unlikely to achieve lasting results. The path for-

ward must prioritize not only immediate security measures but also equitable access to resources and

recognition of the socio-cultural fabric that binds these diverse communities. This article oers an orig-

inal contribution to the understanding of ethnic interactions in Maji awraja by challenging conventional

narratives surrounding the roots of conict. Through a comprehensive analysis of historical and socio-

political contexts, it underscores the signicance of factors such as the movement of the South Sudanese

Toposa, local governance divisions, and broader governance issues in shaping ethnic relations. By shift-

ing the focus away from traditional explanations like cattle raiding, this research provides a nuanced

perspective that is essential for both academia and policy-making.

The implications of these ndings are substantial. Policymakers must recognize the intricate interplay

of historical grievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conicts in the

region. Strategies aimed at conict resolution should prioritize enhancing local governance structures,

fostering interethnic dialogue, and addressing the socio-economic disparities that exacerbate tensions.

Furthermore, acknowledging the historical context of grievances may help create more eective recon-

ciliation processes that consider the complex realities of the aected communities.

However, this study is not without limitations. The reliance on qualitative data, while providing depth,

may introduce biases based on the perspectives of individual informants. Additionally, the historical

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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 77

focus may overlook recent developments and their impact on current dynamics and unable to incor-

porate the Toposa perspectives. Future research could benet from a mixed-methods approach that

incorporates quantitative data to complement qualitative insights, enabling a more comprehensive un-

derstanding of the evolving situation. Further fruitful lines of research could explore the role of external

actors in the conicts, such as regional governments or international organizations, and their inuence

on local dynamics. Additionally, examining the eects of socioeconomic development initiatives on in-

terethnic relations could provide valuable insights into eective peace-building strategies. Ultimately,

this article lays the groundwork for further inquiry into the complexities of ethnic interactions in Maji

awraja, emphasizing the need for continued research to inform policies that promote sustainable peace

and coexistence.

Conict of Interests

The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest

Funding Information

No author received funding for the purpose of this research

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