ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 14 December, 2025
Accepted: 20 March, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Taglo B.A and Moges M.A (2026). Framing
the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: An
Analysis of Newspaper OP-ED Sections.
EthioInquiry Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 35-43.
https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
OPEN ACCESS
This work is licensed under the Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International
License (CC BY 4.0).
ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences has been accredited by
FDRE Ministry of Education and indexed on
AJOL.
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 35
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Framing the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: An Analysis of
Newspaper OP-ED Sections
Belew Anley Taglo1∗, Mulatu Alemayehu Moges 2
1School of Journalism and Communication, Addis Ababa University
2University of Agder, Norway
∗Corresponding Author’s email: batlast@gmail.com
Abstract
This study examines the framing of Ethiopia’s 2018 governmental reform in the op-ed sections of
four selected newspapers – state-owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald and privately owned
Addis Admas and The Reporter – by applying the theoretical framework of media framing.
Drawing on methodological insights from textual analysis, 24 op-eds were read to understand
how the reform was presented through the selection of contributors and the presentation of
competing frames in the media. The study reveals that the reform is framed dierently in the
selected media via topics, dominant themes, sources cited, or a combination of these devices.
Contrary to the original purpose of the op-ed column, the analysis reveals a signicant gap. Not
varied perspectives are found in the process of discussion, as the op-eds in each media outlet are
framed using a limited set of interpretations derived from two dominant frames: responsibility
and binary frames. Textual analysis further reveals that these frames manifest through distinct
subframes. Specically, the state-owned Addis Zemen and The Ethiopian Herald employ a
societal-level responsibility frame, whereas the privately published Addis Admas and The
Reporter shift the focus to individual accountability. Regarding binary framing, Addis Admas,
Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald consistently portray the reform positively, while The
Reporter adopts an anti-reform stance in the binary frame. These ndings suggest a media
landscape characterized by decient discursive diversity and a tendency towards interpretive
homogenization and polarization in the media. This gap between the ideal of diverse public
discourse and the reality of limited framing practices suggests the critical role media outlets
play in shaping public understanding of complex political events such as Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.
Keywords: Ethiopia; reform; newspaper; op-ed; framing; public sphere
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 36
1 INTRODUCTION
The appearance of a reform on Ethiopia’s political landscape in 2018 and the subsequent relative media
freedom provided Ethiopians with a transient public sphere in the national media, fostering a sense of
open dialogue and critical engagement (Melaku et al., 2020). The 2018 national reform marked a sig-
nicant milestone in advancing media freedom. This unprecedented transformation in media practices
was mainly attributed to the widening of the political space and the relaxation of state-controlled me-
dia. Illustrating this dramatic shift, a popular saying circulated among the people about the “U-turn”
state-owned media activity: ጌታ ሆይ እባክህ የእኔንም ሕይወት እንደ ኢቴቪ ቀይረው (May God changes my life as
happened to Ethiopian Television), suggesting the “U-turn” change of the state media outlet practices.
The reform brought signicant changes to the country’s socio-political environment, as evidenced by
the revision of repressive media laws, the release of jailed journalists, and the unblocking of opposi-
tion websites (Davinson,2020;Melaku et al., 2020). The reform process became a salient national issue,
attracting Ethiopians to voice their views and perspectives, particularly in mediated settings. The polit-
ical climate following the 2018 reform draws remarkable parallels to the early days of the Derg regime
and the post-1991 political transition (Meseret,2013). For example, between 1974 and 1976, the early
Derg period was marked by temporary vibrancy, in which the press entertained freedom of expression
and public discourse (Skjerdal,2012). Similarly, the 1991 to 1995 transition period witnessed relative
media freedom, including the emergence of the country’s rst private publication (Shimels,2000).
Despite its transformative potential, the 2018 reform agenda has several limitations. Some have argued
that certain measures presented under the guise of reform actually functioned to consolidate govern-
ment control over the media (Kiu &Nigussie,2025). A notable example was the June 30, 2018, shut-
down of the Ethiopian News Network (ENN), a popular private news outlet (The Reporter, 2018). While
the government cited regulatory reasons, the move was widely perceived as retaliation for the network’s
failure to provide a favorable coverage of the reform agenda. Another instance of government interfer-
ence was the suspension of the popular Amharic satirical sitcom, Min Litazez on FANA Television.
The program was reportedly pulled due to arbitrary criteria, such as character names mirroring those
of high-ranking reformist ocials (The Reporter,2024), signaling the persistent curtailment of artis-
tic and political expression. These incidents underscore the persistent tension between the promise of
democratic openness and the reality of state-controlled media.
2 JOURNAL AND PUBLIC SPHERE
The days when the function of mass media was largely limited to disseminating objective news stories
are long gone. The advent of mass media technologies in the twentieth century with the expansion
of commentary and interpretation has transformed the role of mass media in society (Krumholz &
Calavita,2003), providing open forums for the expression of audience experience, expertise, and opin-
ion, which have become essential journalistic functions. Media outlets fulll this role through the notion
of the “constructivist view of journalism,” which is disputed by the principles of objective and value-
free journalism. This view argues that knowledge is the result of an internal or subjective cognition
process, shaped by what we choose to think about and how we choose to think about it (Loum,2007).
This view of journalism creates a public sphere in which the public participates by applying interpre-
tive frameworks to understand common issues. Supporting this, McNair (2009) asserts that one of the
things that journalism must provide is the public sphere; and it is with the expansion of the public
sphere that interpretation has become an even more crucial element of the journalistic function.
A variety of pressures have forced the evolution of newspaper journalism from objective news reporting
to interpretive and analytical frameworks that involve ideologies and viewpoints, thereby enabling the
reading public to gain added perspective, expose dierent points of view, and evaluate all sides of an
issue before arriving at their opinions. This is partly due to the growing complexity of news during
the 1980s, which made the interpretation of current aairs increasingly important for readers. This
phenomenon in media studies is commonly referred to as “the CNN eect” which encapsulates the idea
that real-time news can provoke major responses from the international community (Robinson, 1999).
Expanding on this, Krumholz and Calavita (2003) pointed out that the 1970s and the 1980s witnessed
formidable growth of new foundations and think tanks, ready to do ideological battle in public debate
over government, business, and the public interest. In support of this notion, McNair (2009) asserts that
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 37
we need the interpretative (value-laden) moment in journalism because the world is too complex and
its information ows too rapidly for us to make sense of it. As a function, journalism provides news,
interpretation, evaluation, and persuasion (Bovee,1999).
Habermas (1989,2006) describes the development of the mediated public sphere, where the media have
become carriers and leaders of public opinion since the eighteenth century, from mere institutions for
the publication of news stories. The most obvious example of such a function can be found in the opin-
ion pages of newspapers, such as the op-ed (opposite to editorial) page (Coppock &Kirby,2018). The
creation of an op-ed section indicates newspapers’ commitment to democracy (Golan, 2013). Recogniz-
ing that their view is not the only one and making room for other voices, newspapers began publishing
op-eds. On the epistemological justication for op-eds (Belew &Mulatu,2025;Mwaura,2017), newspa-
pers introduced these sections as public forums to allow a range of opinions and viewpoints on salient
public issues to be expressed in the public sphere. This study examines how the reform process was
presented in selected newspapers’ op-ed sections.
3 MEDIA FRAMING
The concept of framing is considered one of the most prominent features in the eld of mass media,
suggesting that the way information is presented to an audience or reader inuences their choices re-
garding how to process and structure the message (Goman,1974). Scholars have dened media fram-
ing in various ways. The most widely cited denition of media framing is that to frame is to select
certain pieces of information and make them more salient (Entman,1993), indicating how the media
draws public attention to specic issues. Further rening the denition of frames, (Tankard,1991) de-
scribes a frame as the central organizing idea of a communication text that provides a background for
the content and suggests the main issues through selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration. In
the media, framing begins with the choice of what to present and what to omit from the news.
Media frames were explored at length for the rst time in Gitlin (1980) and Tuchman (1978) studies,
which aimed to debunk journalistic objectivity, the bedrock principle of professional news gathering,
as a myth. Through textual analysis and ethnographic eldwork, the two studies found that objectivity
masked the ways in which format conventions, news values, and cultural values shaped the patterns
of selection, emphasis, and exclusion. Entman (1993) further dened media frames as aspects of a
perceived reality that are made salient to receivers. In his denition, Entman (1993) oered a more
detailed explanation of how media provide a central organizing idea to interpret events: “to frame is to
select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such
a way as to promote a particular problem denition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or
treatment recommendation.” In this context, ‘salience’ means ‘making a piece of information more
noticeable, meaningful, or memorable to the audience,’ suggesting that framing an issue or event in the
text can aect how readers understand and interpret stories.
Framing is not only about selecting information; it also involves creating meanings. There are two main
views on the role of media in this process: ‘media as a mirror’ and ‘media as a constructor of reality’
(Tuchman,1978). The ‘media as a mirror’ perspective assumes that reality exists independently of
media organizations, while the constructivist view is that media constructs reality rather than passively
reecting it. Aligning with the constructivist view, (Engle,2013) argues that the media are not value-
free; rather, they are shaped by views, biases, and partiality that inuence how information is presented
and interpreted. Unlike the mirror model, constructivists see media frames as portraying a perceived
reality shaped by journalists’ choices. This study adopts this approach to argue that communication
content is dynamically constructed by journalists and media organizations. As media framing theory
centers on selection by exclusion, it oers a valuable lens for examining the presentation of Ethiopia’s
2018 reform process in newspaper op-ed sections, specically through the selection of reform-themed
op-ed articles and the presentation of diverse perspectives on the topic.
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 38
4 FRAME ANALYSIS
Media framing theory has two core processes: frame-setting (the interplay between media frames and
audience predispositions) and frame-building (the construction of frames by journalists and media out-
lets) (Vreese,2005). This study follows Vreese (2005) approach by focusing on frame-building and exam-
ining how media frames are constructed by media outlets through routine journalistic decisions. This
emphasis allows for a nuanced analysis of how media selection and exclusion shape reform narratives
in selected newspapers’ op-ed pieces.
There are two main approaches to identifying frames in media content research: inductive (frames
emerge from the text during analysis) and deductive (frames are predened based on theory or prior
research) (D’Angelo,2017;Matthes &Kohring,2008). In the inductive approach, frames emerge di-
rectly from the communication text during the analysis without preconceived categories, with an open
view to revealing the array of possible frames (D’Angelo,2017;Matthes,2009). In the inductive ap-
proach, there is no denitive theoretical model to guide the observation of framing devices; frames
emerge from media content during the analysis, allowing for an open exploration of a range of possible
frames. Employing a textual content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis, this
study examined reform-focused op-eds to locate the parts where the media and authors contextualized
the reform issue.
Identifying media frames involves using a content-analytical technique to locate the parts of a medi-
ated text in which an individual or group is deemed to contextualize a specic topic. By employing an
inductive frame-building process, this study assessed how each op-ed was constructed and presented
to the readers. This process involves three phases of analysis. First, framing devices were devised to
deconstruct the coded op-eds and evaluate how each was constructed. As there are no pre-existing in-
ductive frameworks applicable to frame identication, researchers have employed conventional textual
analysis, focusing on textual meaning within its context. The second phase involved a close reading. In
the third phase, the op-eds were categorized based on their framing.
Based on the theoretical framework, relevant literature, and analysis approach in the previous sections,
two empirical questions were formulated to examine the dominant frames in the op-ed sections of news-
papers.
1. What types of framing are widely used by the op-ed sections of the selected newspapers to present
public discussion during Ethiopia’s 2018 reform?
2. How do the frames dier across the selected media outlets in their coverage of reform?
5 MATERIALS AND METHODS
Data were collected over a year between April 2018 and March. The chosen timeframe was signicant as
it coincided with the country’s 2018 national political reform and increased media freedom, allowing
public expression on various issues. Researchers selected four national newspapers based on their
inclusion of op-ed pages, their status as leading national publications, and their appeal to a general
audience (Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority,2019). Among these, Addis Admas and Addis Zemen are
published in Amharic, while The Ethiopian Herald and The Reporter are English language publications.
Notably, The Reporter was chosen for its higher number of op-ed columns than its Amharic counterpart,
featuring six op-ed columns in each edition.
To select sample op-eds for analysis, the researchers used a constructed-week sampling technique,
which helps approximate the content of a larger population in media studies (Cohen et al., 2011). Ac-
cordingly, we divided the sample year into four 3-month periods and constructed one week with seven
days for each period, indicating that each sample newspaper had four constructed weeks or 28 editions
in the study period. To collect data over seven days in each constructed week, we initially chose the rst
sample day randomly, followed by the selection of subsequent days at approximately 26-day intervals.
This method yielded a sample of 159 op-ed pieces published on the 2018 political reform, with 58 from
Addis Admas, 23 from Addis Zemen, 25 from the Ethiopian Herald, and 53 from The Reporter.
Employing a qualitative content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis (Chong &
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 39
Druckman,2013), this study examines the frames used in op-ed articles covering Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.
Employing the inductive approach, the frames emerged during the analysis. To identify the dominant
frames employed by the selected media’s op-eds, we randomly selected a subset of 24 op-eds (n= 24),
selecting six op-eds from each newspaper’s website. The sample size (i.e., the number of op-ed articles)
did not pose any problems for qualitative textual analysis.
In this study, frames exist as constructions based on the researcher’s interpretation of the op-ed texts.
Sample op-eds were coded manually according to a specic set of qualifying criteria, in which op-
eds were categorized based on their framing devices (topics, themes, attributes of sources, and/or a
combination of these devices). Specically, each op-ed was coded for its framing device. During the
coding process, framing devices were separated from frames, as they were the rst items identied in
each op-ed article. Following this identication, the framing devices were analyzed to determine the
dominant frame employed in each article.
6 DISCUSSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Discussions
This study analyzes how Ethiopia’s 2018 reform process was presented in selected media outlets, reveal-
ing patterns of framing that shaped public discourse during the reform period. Through textual anal-
ysis, we identify two dominant frames – responsibility and binary– which are employed in Ethiopian
media op-ed columns when discussing the country’s 2018 reform process. The responsibility frame, as
dened by (Semetko &Valkenburg,2000), attributes the causes of or solutions to the government, an
individual, or a group, thereby shaping perceptions of accountability. Semetko and Valkenburg (2000)
further note that this frame is used most frequently in serious news stories. The responsibility frame
identied in this study comprises two sub-frames – individual- and societal-level responsibility – sug-
gesting that dierent perspectives on the same issue may be inuenced by framing. In the context of
framing analysis, the binary frame is the second most dominant frame, along with the responsibility
frame. According to Watson (1998), binary frames present events or issues in opposition to their coun-
terparts by selectively including and excluding key issues and actors, portraying them as having only
two opposing sides, viewpoints, options, or categories. The binary frame is mainly featured in political
op-ed articles. In this study, the identied binary frame depicts Ethiopia’s 2018 reform as a dichotomy
between pro-reform and anti-reform military forces. The results of the analysis also point to the ap-
plication of dierent framing and reasoning devices to construct dierent sub-frames derived from the
identied dominant frames.
Op-eds employing an individual-level responsibility frame attribute the reform eorts to an individual
political actor: the newly elected Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed. This subframe appears to frame political
reform as a personal endeavor driven by his leadership, thereby suggesting that the success or failure
of political reform rests primarily on his actions. The selected media outlets employed this frame with
dierent themes: some promoted the Prime Minister’s reform actions, while others blamed his inaction.
Dierent sources are quoted under the individual-level responsibility frame: This is evident in Addis
Admas’s op-ed ”ኢትዮጵያ ገዢ ሳይሆን መሪ አግኝታለች” (Ethiopia has found a Leader, not a Ruler) and The
Reporter’s “The plight of internal refugees: Is it going to be the dening feature of our home-sprouted
federalism?”
The analysis of framing devices in these op-eds reveals that variations in the individual-level responsi-
bility frame reect dierences in the sources employed, as they play a crucial role in shaping frames and
dening issues (Hall,1980). This suggests that the media selection of sources directly inuences issue
framing. For instance, Addis Admas’s op-eds rely heavily on the prime minister’s public statements
(speeches, press releases, interviews), which shape their pro-reform emphasis, while The Reporter’s
op-eds, although also using an individual-level responsibility frame, draw from opposition politicians
and unaliated individuals, leading to a more critical tone. These source variations not only inuence
message presentation and interpretation but also signal alignment with specic political viewpoints,
reinforcing Aarøe (2011) and Hänggli (2012) assertion that political actors can introduce key frames into
public discourse and echo Johnson-Cartee (2005) claim regarding source standardization, which occurs
when media texts consistently rely on the same sources to reinforce a particular political reality.
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 40
Using a responsibility frame at the individual level may reinforce a top-down approach to reform, plac-
ing responsibility and accountability on individual leaders. This may reect long-standing Ethiopian
traditions and beliefs, aligning with Iyengar (1990) observation that dominant paradigms, ideologies,
and worldviews shape attributions through political socialization and acculturation.
Some media outlets employ a societal-level responsibility frame, portraying the 2018 reform process
as a collective duty shared among citizens rather than being solely driven by individuals, situating
the reform within the broader socio-political context. By appealing to readers’ sense of national pride,
morality, and responsibility, the societal-level frame is notably used to mobilize public support for the
reform initiated by the reformist government. The results from The Ethiopian Herald and Addis Zemen
newspapers show that this frame is employed in their op-ed articles, portraying the need for unity
among readers in the pursuit of democratic reform. This frame is identied in the op-eds from both
Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald, titled “ሥርዓት አልበኝነትን በተባበረ የህዝብ ክንድ” (End Anarchy with the
United Arms of the People), and “Fighting for a Shared Goal,” respectively. The articles emphasized
the importance of collective action and solidarity among citizens as essential for restoring peace and
order. In examining the distribution of this framing between the articles in the two newspapers, one
could argue that this is potentially achieved through the editorial choices of the media, as the editorial
strategy in each media outlet involves the allocation of a similar frame to the articles.
Apart from the responsibility frame, the analysis also reveals the prevalence of the binary frame, which
appears in two aspects: pro-reform and anti-reform binary frames. Op-eds with a pro-reform binary
frame represent the reform process in a positive light, including revising repressive laws, dropping
charges against outlawed political parties, and welcoming exiled pro-opposition media. This fram-
ing demonstrates the media’s agenda-setting role, aligning withD’Angelo (2017) study on the agenda-
setting power of opinion pieces for both the mass public and elites. Op-eds with this frame focus on a
number of themes, such as “democracy,” “national unity,” and “justice” justice. For example, an op-ed
in Addis Zemen, entitled “ከሞት አልባ ጦርነት ወደ መደመር ”(From deathless war to integration), portrays
post-2018 Ethiopia in a positive light in contrast to that of the previous regime. Similarly, the Ethiopian
Herald uses a pro-reform frame in its op-ed article, entitled: “The Issue of Rule of Law Cannot Be Put
to Debate,” published on August 30, 2018, to characterize a functioning legal system and due process
in the reform period, situating it within the democratic potential the reform holds for the country and
the reformist government’s eorts to improve governance and rectify past injustices.
Another perspective in the binary frame, as observed in the op-ed column discussion, is the favorable
presentation of the 2018 reforms in the news. This framing is utilized to highlight the constructive as-
pects of the reform, specically focusing on its role in rectifying the institutional failures of the previous
regime’s policies. By aligning the reform with the themes of restorative justice and rational healing, this
framing portrays the reform as a vital corrective process. For instance, an op-ed piece in Addis Admas
titled “ሀገሩም፣ ህዝቡም፣ መሬቱም እርቅ ይፈልጋል” (The county, the people, and the land need reconciliation),
employs this lens to show the perceived successes of the political opening in the region: By position-
ing the reform within a pro-reform binary angle, this perspective suggests the reform is a crucial path
toward national unity, eectively bridging historical grievances to establish a more inclusive political
order in the future.
The other newspaper analyzed in this study, The Reporter, employs an anti-reform angle in the binary
frame to criticize the perceived lack of ethical leadership and rising populism accompanying the re-
form. This frame is identied in an op-ed article contributed by Kibrome Berhane on December 29,
2018, which critiques the emotionally driven nature of political discourse: The article adopts explicit
oppositional stance toward the perceived reform, stating that:
Because our moral system is diminishing, our politicians are so quick to judge and too feeble to control
their nerves (just like the mindless crowd) when talking about sensitive issues. Most political leaders
care more about arousing the emotions of their crowd than about taming their people’s irrational views
against others.
According to this critique, the perceived reform is undermined by leadership that prioritizes emotional
manipulation over governance. In the same edition, an op-ed by Merhatsidik Mekonnen titled “The
evolution of a state within a state: is that not a mockery of contemporary politics? was published. fur-
ther critiques the reform as a catalyst for the erosion of central state authority in China. Collectively,
this framing suggests that the reform has fostered a volatile political environment rather than a sta-
ble, principled democracy, thereby endangering the country’s sovereignty and social cohesion. Such a
consistent concentration of critical perspectives suggests deliberate editorial positioning rather than a
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 41
random collection of contributions. The recurring nature of these critical themes in The Reporter sug-
gests a concerted editorial stance rather than a random collection of contributions to the journal. This
pattern of representation reinforces Hallin and Mancini (2004) argument that media content reects the
institutional priorities of media houses.
6.2 Conclusions
This study establishes how dierent interpretations of the same issue are linked to media framing. The
ndings reveal that the selected media outlets present Ethiopia’s 2018 reform through dierent narra-
tives, reecting the inuence of dierent framing strategies on public opinion. Specically, the state-
owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald employed a societal-level frame, portraying the reform as
a collective, national endeavor. In contrast, privately published Addis Admas and The Reporter uti-
lized an individual-level responsibility frame to portray the reform as contingent on the actions and
accountability of specic political actors. This suggests divergent interpretations rooted in their own-
ership structures and editorial policies. Building on this, the analysis also shows a clear divergence in
overall stance: While Addis Admas, Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald uniformly present a pro-
reform perspective, The Reporter provides a contrasting anti-reform narrative. These distinct framing
patterns, combining both the locus of responsibility and the overall stance towards the reform, indicate
a media landscape where ownership and political alignment strongly shape public discourse. By ap-
plying Entman’s explanation of framing devices, the comparative analysis reveals how the selective use
of these devices has led to a contested portrayal of the reform across selected media outlets, indicating
the prevalence of diering facts and evaluations across them.
The study identies a lack of diverse viewpoints in the media’s reform discourse, as op-eds across
selected media are limited to a narrow set of interpretations: the societal- and individual-level sub-
frames within the responsibility frame, and the pro-reform and anti-reform sub-frames within the bi-
nary frame. This contradicts the op-ed page’s designated purpose as a forum for diverse perspectives
and open dialogue, reecting Tumin (2017) suggestion that the op-ed page serves as a platform for
exploration, interpretation, and presentation of diverse viewpoints on important public issues. This
implies that the public sphere of media should hold a social responsibility to enhance the range of free-
dom of expression rather than expanding the inuence of the media or privileged individuals. This
study provides a valuable resource for interested researchers, academics, and media students on the
issues of media studies, media democratization, and media theory, providing initial insights into how
media may inuence public discussion on Ethiopia’s 2018 reform agenda. Equally important are the
questions of how op-ed pieces about the reform are selected and how they present the reform in the
media:
Despite the rigor of the analysis, this study has some limitations. First, because we focused exclusively
on op-ed articles from four widely circulated Amharic and English newspapers in Ethiopia, we rec-
ognize that we may not have captured all relevant op-eds to reect the dominant frames and framing
devices of the 2018 reform. Additionally, our ndings cannot be generalized to encompass the entire
Ethiopian media landscape or op-ed articles published in languages other than English.
Acknowledgments
This research is part of post-graduate project funded by the Ethiopian Government. The authors extend
thanks to the funder.
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 42
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
References
Aarøe,L. (2011). Investigating frame strength: The case of episodic and thematic frames. Political com-
munication,28(2), 207–226.
Belew,A., & Mulatu,A. (2025). Examining op-ed columns in the ethiopian media: A study of the public
sphere. Journalism.
Bovee,W. G. (1999). Discovering journalism. Greenwood Press.
Chong &Druckman. (2013). Counterframing eects. The Journal of Politics.
Cohen,E.,Luke,D., & Caburnay,C. (2011). How much is enough? new recommendations for using
constructed week sampling in newspaper content analysis of health stories. Communication
methods and measures,5(1), 76–91.
Coppock,E., & Kirby,D. (2018). The long lasting eects of newspaper op-eds on public opinion. Quar-
terly Journal of Political Science,13(1), 59–87.
D’Angelo,P. (2017). Framing: Media frames. In The international encyclopedia of media eects (pp. 634–644).
Davinson,W. (2020). Choosing the road and smoothing the bumps: The media and politics. In D. G.
Melaku,D. F. Dereje, & M. E. Mamo (Eds.), Ethiopia in the wake of political reforms. Tsehai pub-
lishers.
Engle,J. J. (2013). Marketing the iraq war: Manifest content analysis us executive framing [MA thesis]. State
University.
Entman,R. (1993). Framing: Towards clarication of a fractured paradigm. Journal of communication,
43(4), 51–58.
Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority. (2019). Current status of national newspapers in ethiopia (tech. rep.).
Ethiopian Broadcast Authority. Addis Ababa.
Gitlin,T. (1980). The whole world is watching: Mass media and the making and unmaking of the new left.
University of California Press.
Goman,E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Northeastern.
Habermas,J. (1989). The structural transformation of the public sphere: An inquiry into a category of bourgeois
society. Polity Press.
Habermas,J. (2006). Political communication in media society: Does democracy still enjoy an epistemic
dimension? the impact of normative theory on empirical research.
Hall,S. (1980). Cultural studies: Two paradigms. Media, culture & Society,2(1), 57–72.
Hallin,D. C., & Mancini,P. (2004). Comparing media systems: Three models of media and politics. Cambridge
university press.
Hänggli,R. (2012). Key factors in frame building: How strategic political actors shape news media cov-
erage. American Behavioral Scientist,50(3), 300–317.
Iyengar,S. (1990). Framing responsibility for political issues. In The media and politics (pp. 59–70).
Johnson-Cartee,K. S. (2005). News narratives and news framing: Constructing political reality. Rowman &
Little Field.
Kiu,G., & Nigussie,H. (2025). Media and the public sphere in ethiopia: The impact of the “2018 po-
litical reform”. Media, Culture and Society.
Krumholz,N., & Calavita,N. (2003). Capturing the public interest using newspaper op-eds to promote
planning in conservative times. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 400–406.
Loum,E. (2007). The media and political process. Sage.
Matthes,J. (2009). What’s in a frame? a content analysis of media framing. JMC Quarterly, 349–367.
Matthes,J., & Kohring,M. (2008). The content analysis of media frames: Toward improving reliability
and validity. Journal of communication, 258–279.
McNair,B. (2009). Journalism and democracy: An evaluation of the political public sphere. Routledge.
Melaku,D. G.,Dereje,D. F., & Mamo,M. E. (2020). Ethiopia in the wake of political reforms. Tsehai Pub-
lishers.
Meseret,C. R. (2013). The quest for press freedom: One hundred years of history of the media in ethiopia. Blooms-
bury Publishing USA.
Mwaura,P. (2017). Demysties the opinion and editorial pages of ‘nation’.
Semetko,H. A., & Valkenburg,P. M. (2000). Framing european politics: A content analysis of press and
television news. Journal of communication, 93–109.
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 43
Shimels,B. (2000). Survey of the private press in ethiopia: 1991–1999 (tech. rep.). Forum for Social Studies.
Skjerdal,T. S. (2012). Competing loyalties. journalism culture in the ethiopian state media [Doctoral disserta-
tion]. Addis Ababa University, Faculty of Humanities.
Tankard,J. W. (1991). Media frames: Approaches to conceptualization and measurement. Education in
Journalism; Mass Communication.
The Reporter. (2024). Silencing creativity. The Reporter.
Tuchman,G. (1978). Making news. Free Press.
Tumin,R. (2017). The op-ed pages, explained.
Vreese,C. H. D. (2005). News framing: Theory and typology. Information design journal + document design,
13(1), 51–62.
Watson,J. (1998). Mass communication: An introduction to theory and process. Macmillan Press Ltd.
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
