Hawassa University
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
Volume 5 Issue 1
June, 2026
Hawassa University
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
Volume 5 Issue 1
June, 2026
1.
Author Title Page
Endong C.(2026) From Scriptures to Screen: Representations
of Ancient Rome in Biblical Texts,
Hollywood, and Africa's Black Jesus Films
1-16
Gebru et.al (2026) Trending Tensions: Social Media and
Inuencer Engagement in the Grand
Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Dispute
17-34
Taglo et.al (2026) Framing the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian
Media: An Analysis of Newspaper OP-ED
Sections
35-43
Jarssa B.A. and
Firomsa B.A.(2026)
Communicative Grammar Instruction
Practices in Grade 10 English Classrooms:
The Case of Bule Hora University
Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary
Schools
44-65
GedamuA.F and
Negash G. (2026)
Ethnic Interactions and Conicts in Maji
Awraja and Surrounding Areas: Historical
Insights from the 1980s to the Present
66-78
Basha T.(2026) Correlation between Sign Language Fluency
and Amharic Literacy Skills in Deaf
Ethiopian Students: A Comparative Study
79-103
Table of Contents
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 11 January, 2026
Accepted: 05 June, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Endong C. (2026). From Scriptures to Screen:
Representations of Ancient Rome in Biblical
Texts, Hollywood, and Africa’s Black Jesus
Films. EthioInquiry Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 1-16.
https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97
OPEN ACCESS
This work is licensed under the Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International
License (CC BY 4.0).
ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences has been accredited by
FDRE Ministry of Education and indexed on
AJOL.
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 1
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
From Scriptures to Screen: Representations of Ancient Rome in
Biblical Texts, Hollywood, and Africa's Black Jesus Films
Floribert Patrick C. Endong1∗�
1Department of Performing Arts and Cinematography, Institute of Fine Arts, University of Dschang, Dschang, Cameroon
∗Corresponding Author’s email: oribertendong@yahoo.com
Abstract
It is hard, if not impossible, to narrate Jesus’s story without mentioning ancient Rome,
particularly its brutal imperialist culture in Israel. The gospel accounts of Jesus’s life, ministry,
and death (particularly the segment dedicated to the passion of the Christ) provide discernible
hints of Roman presence and imperialism in ancient Judea. In line with this, most literal
interpretations of the gospel story (notably Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ) make ample
allusion to this Roman domination in Israel through evocative scenes like Jesus’s trial before
Pontius Pilate and Herod, as well as scenes of the scourging and crucixion of Jesus Christ. On
their own side, symbolic lm adaptations that set Jesus’s story in African contexts tend to erase,
downplay, or semiotize the aforementioned Roman presence and imperialism in ways that often
generate contextual, technological, or historical anachronisms as well as an over-simplication
of the story of Jesus. This understudied phenomenon is examined in this paper in light of
relevant Black Jesus lms produced by African cineasts. Specically, this study uses semiotics,
textual analysis of relevant Jesus lms, and critical exploitation of secondary sources to answer
three principal research questions: how is ancient Rome’s imperialistic inuence represented
in both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has this inuence been represented
in the literal interpretations of Jesus story? How have African radical adaptations of biblical
scriptures often portrayed or misrepresented Rome? The paper argues that through various
forms of symbolization and narrative ellipsis, African Jesus lmmakers hint at Rome’s imperial
inuence but generate various forms of cultural and technological anachronism that aect the
aesthetics and coherence of their Black Jesus lms. This implies that the application of African
Cultural Hermeneutics and Black Liberation Theology in the production of the Black African
Jesus lm is bound to work only partially and lead to controversial results.
Keywords: Black Jesus Films; Ancient Roman; Gospel Story; Literal Adaptation; Semi-
otics.
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1 INTRODUCTION
From 753 BC to the 5th century AD, Rome’s inuence fashioned many civilizations and directly shaped
various ancient Mediterranean cultures, notably the Jews. According to historical sources, the empire,
which encompassed much of Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East, annexed the land of Israel
after 63 BC through a military conquest led by Pompey the Great (Hall,1997;Ludlow,2017;Rothman,
2019). Rome started ruling its new conquest indirectly through client kings, notably Herod the Great.
These client kings owed their thrones to the Roman favor. Upon Herod’s death, the indirect system of
government gave way to direct Roman rule as Judea (the land of Israel) became a Roman province under
the rule of Pontius Pilate. This new system of administration soon bred serious tensions among the
Jewish people (Bryan,2005;Labbe,2012;Windsor,2004). The latter chaed under Roman oppression
and longed for the coming of a Messiah (Jesus) to save them. This Messianism was in line with various
divine predictions.
To maintain order and stability in Judea, the Roman authorities often deployed severe brutality marked
by cruel attitudes, such as bloody and excruciating quashing of resistance, the introduction of dreadful
punishments (notably exposure and crucixion), temporal suppression of religious freedoms, multi-
form humiliation of the Jews, and the promotion of a personality cult that often conicted with Judaist
traditions (Nadav,2017;Peters,2018;Trotter,2017). In line with this, Brohm (2011) notes that “Roman
culture was marked by power and pragmatism. Their legions were feared for their discipline and bru-
tality […] their laws provided stability but often favored the elite. Religion was pluralistic, drawing on
the pantheon of Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and countless other deities, many of whom were borrowed from
Greece. Emperor worship emerged as a unifying force, demanding loyalty that placed Christians in
direct conict with Rome’s demands.”
Thus, Rome’s political and cultural inuence shaped the setting in which part of Jewish history took
place. In tandem, the world of the Jewish people, as depicted in the New Testament, is under the
shadow of Rome. From the edict that sent Joseph and Mary (mother of Jesus) to Bethlehem to Pontius
Pilate’s order concerning the crucixion of Jesus and the soldiers who guarded the sepulcher of Jesus,
the specter of the Roman empire is cast across the New Testament (the Bible). Therefore, it may be
argued that Rome’s colonial inuence constitutes the backdrop for the life, ministry, and death of Jesus
Christ in the gospel story. Understanding this Roman inuence is key to grasping and adapting the
gospel story into a Jesus lm.
Therefore, it is dicult, if not impossible, to narrate Jesus’ story without mentioning ancient Rome. The
gospel accounts of Jesus’s life, ministry, and death (particularly the segment dedicated to the passion of
the Christ) provide discernible hints of this Roman presence and colonization in ancient Judea. In line
with this, most literal lmic interpretations of the gospel story (notably Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the
Christ) make ample allusion to this Roman colonization of Israel through evocative scenes like Jesus’s
trial before Pontius Pilate and Herod, as well as scenes of the scourging and crucixion of Jesus Christ.
Symbolic lm adaptations that set Jesus’s story in African contexts, on the other hand, tend to erase,
downplay, or semiotize the aforementioned Roman colonization in ways that often generate cultural,
technological, or historical anachronisms as well as an oversimplication of the story of Jesus. This
understudied phenomenon is examined in this paper in light of relevant Black Jesus lms produced by
African cineasts. Specically, this study uses semiotics, textual analysis of relevant Jesus lms, and a
critical exploitation of secondary sources to answer three principal research questions: how is ancient
Rome’s colonial inuence represented in both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has this
inuence been represented in the (Hollywood) literal interpretations of the Jesus story? How well have
they been portrayed in Africa’s Black Jesus lms?
2 METHODOLOGY
This study is descriptive and conceptual in nature. It examines the nature of the representation of
ancient Rome in both written and lmic texts from a historico-aesthetic perspective. In particular, this
paper focuses on the nature of this representation of Rome in historical and biblical texts as well as in
some postmodern lmic interpretations of the gospels’ accounts of the life, ministry, and death of Jesus
Christ. This study relies on two main data collection methods: documentary and textual analyses. The
documentary analysis part of the methodology involved the critical exploitation of relevant secondary
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sources such as peer-reviewed journal articles, anthologies, encyclopedias, work papers, book chapters,
online materials, and published theses. The critical exploitation of these secondary sources helped set
the stage for the study and address the rst two research questions of the study, namely, how is ancient
Rome’s colonial inuence represented in both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has this
inuence been represented in the literal interpretations of Jesus story?
The textual analysis part of the methodology was concerned with the semiotic analysis of relevant Je-
sus lms, mainly produced by African lm directors. This study considered three African Jesus lms
that adopt symbolic and metaphorical approaches in their interpretations of the gospel accounts of Je-
sus’s life, ministry, and death. The lms selected for the study include Mark Dornford’s Son of Man
(2006)(Dornford-May,2006), Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus’s Story (2020)(Chikere,2020) and Collins Chi-
diebe’s Cross of Jesus (2023)(Chidiebe,2023). The lms were selected based on their alignment with
African liberation and African cultural hermeneutics (which will be explained in greater detail in the
subsequent parts of this paper). The lms were selected because of the attention they subtly or clearly
accord to Roman imperialism during Jesus’s time. As mentioned earlier, the textual analysis of the
aforementioned lms was mainly driven by semiotics and inter-textuality. By denition, semiotics is
the study of signs and symbols in communication. It also refers to the use of sign systems for construct-
ing and interpreting meaning. During the study, attention was given exclusively to signs contained in
scenes that directly or subtly referred to Rome. Icons, indices, and symbols in the lms that reference
Roman presence or imperial inuence were considered. This study examined the extent to which the
use of these three signs enabled the construction of an image that reects biblical and historical texts’
representations of Rome.
This interpretive tool (semiotics) was relevant for the study, given the lms’ nature as symbolic and
metaphorical adaptations of the gospel’s account of the life, ministry, and death of Jesus Christ. In
other words. The lms’ adaptive approaches (symbolization and connotation) warranted the use of
semiotics. The semiotic analysis of the lms helped address the third and main concern of this study.
This concern bordered on showing how the symbolic representations of ancient Rome enabled the lms’
alignment with the African liberation theology but gave way to anachronistic aesthetics in the African
Jesus lms.
2.1 Theoretical Framework
This study is anchored in two theories: Black Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics.
The former theory systemically contextualizes Christianity in an attempt to help people of African de-
scent overcome racial, political, economic, and social oppression (Barga,2023;H. J. Cone,1999;J. H.
Cone,1968,1975;Cook,2014). As Hayes (2000) puts it, “There can be no Black Theology which does
not take the black experience as a source for its starting point. Black Theology is a theology of and for
Black people, examining their stories, tales, and sayings. It is an investigation of the mind into the raw
materials of our pilgrimage, telling the story of “how we got over” (p.17). In the African context, Black
Liberation Theology seeks to give an African coloration to all aspects of Christianity. Its ultimate goal
is to make Christianity relevant to African communities. According to theologian Emmanuel Martey
(1993), the movement hopes to achieve an integrative vision for the African continent by welding to-
gether the praxis of inculturation and liberation.
Black Liberation Theology is based on two principal tenets: (i) a rm, but arguable, belief in the African
origins of Jesus and (ii) the rejection of the “whitewashing of Christianity” by Euro-centric theologians.
While Black theologians such as Cleage (1968) and DeYoung (2009) have sought to demonstrate the
black origins of Jesus in some of their writings, many Black lm directors - notably Jean Claude LaMare
- have drawn on the Black theology concept in their Jesus lms. By anchoring their Jesus lms in Black
Liberation Theology, these postmodern lm directors have sometimes provoked huge controversies.
Jean Claude LaMare in particular, drew on the Black Liberation Theology in the production of his
hugely controversial Colour on the Cross.
African Cultural Hermeneutics (the second theory considered in this study) similarly seeks to contex-
tualize Christianity. Also called “African Biblical Hermeneutics,” African Cultural Hermeneutics is an
approach to interpreting holy scriptures and ancient texts that principally considers the African context.
It insists on reading the scriptures premeditatedly from an African standpoint, to make the word of God
culturally relevant to African nations. Adamo (2015) denes this cultural hermeneutic as an approach
that “reappraises ancient biblical tradition and African world-views, cultures and life experiences, with
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the purpose of correcting the eect of the cultural [and] ideological conditioning to which Africa and
Africans have been subjected in the business of biblical interpretation (p.59)”.
Thus, African Cultural Hermeneutics aims to neutralize the excessive whitewashing of Christianity in
Africa and seeks to counter or address an old African frustration: the obligation (for Africans) to under-
stand and practice the Christian faith in foreign or Eurocentric terms. Appiah-Kubi,1981 expresses the
aforementioned frustration. Drawing on Psalms 137:4, the theologian writes: “how can I sing the Lord’s
song in a strange land, in a strange language, in a strange thought, in a strange ideology” (p. viii). It goes
without saying that the African Cultural Hermeneutics approach may enable African Jesus lmmakers
in their culturally sensitive reinterpretation of the gospel accounts of Jesus’s story as well as the latter’s
understanding of ancient texts about Rome’s imperial inuence in rst-century Judea. The two theories
considered for the study (Black African Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics) pro-
vide tools to examine the theological orientation of the lms under study and the aesthetic choices of
the African lm directors. The two theories provide a framework for examining how the lm’s themes
and style are tailored to reect African histories, experiences, struggles, and contemporary realities.
Rome’s Imperial Rule over Judea: Insights from Historical Sources and Biblical Scriptures Rome’s mili-
tary conquest of Judea in 63 BC triggered a series of upheavals that aected the Jewish people in a mostly
negative way. The conquest brutally took away many benets the Jewish nation enjoyed as free people
and ushered in an endless continuum of hardship, servitude, humiliation, and loss of sovereignty for
the Jewish people. In fact, from Pompey’s conquest to the total destruction of the city of Jerusalem (in
70 AD), Rome interfered in the social, cultural, economic, and political aairs of Judea on a grand scale
(Bryan,2005;Cook,2014;Gambash,2023;Windsor,2004). Such interference stained Roman-Judean
relationships. The era of Roman domination was cataclysmic and gloomy for the Jewish people, so
much so that Strauss (2025) describes it as explosive. According to the Jewish historian, the aforemen-
tioned Roman domination was marked by an “explosion of creativity and destruction” that disfavored
the Jewish people (Strauss,2025). The gloominess and volatility of this period of Roman domination
could, perhaps, best be grasped after a brief comparison of the pre- and post-Roman periods (See Figure
1).
More than half a century before the Roman conquest, Judea enjoyed the status of the rst independent
Jewish state. The country prided itself on its hard-won independence from Greco-Syrian overlords.
It also prided itself on the expansionist moves of its native dynasts, the Hasmonean high priests, who
enlarged the country’s modest post-exilic borders to Solomonic proportions. Therefore, the Jewish peo-
ple resented the sudden loss caused by Rome’s expansionist policies. They responded predominantly
through various manifestations of discontent: unpredictable dissidence, constant rebellions, and Mes-
sianism. They exhibited a level of resistance that had never been observed in other provinces of the
Roman Empire (Bryan,2005;Rothman,2019) (. Under Roman rule, Judea morphed into a realm of
perpetual unrest and revolution. A succession of small uprisings culminated in an era of great wars
against Rome, three of which include the Great Revolt, also known as the Jewish War, 66–74 CE; the
Diaspora Revolt, 116–117; and the Bar Kokhba Revolt, 132–136. Apart from revolts, Messianism grew
in popularity Labbe,2012;Seeman,2013;Strauss,2025.
In a bid to maintain stability and dissuade rebellions in its Judean province, Rome deployed the stick
more than it did the carrot. The imperial power did not hesitate to respond to Jewish dissidence with
savagery never seen in its repression of revolts in other provinces of its empire. A good illustration is
Rome’s salvage crushing of the Bar Kokhba revolt. In response to this revolt, the Romans committed
mass crucixion of the rioters and changed the name of the country from Judea (land of the Jews)
to Syria-Palestinia, or simply Palestina (land of the Philistines). This savagery was unprecedented in
modern history. The Romans had never punished a rebellious province of their empire by changing its
name.
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Figure 1: Palestine during the Time of Herod the Great and His Sons.
Source: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jesus/The-Jewish-religion-in-the-1st-century
Thus, the Jewish people’s constant rebellions against Rome were consequential. They led to the loss of
thousands of Jewish lives and the reduction of many survivors to slavery and exile. The rebellions also
caused the relegation of Jews to the status of second-class citizens in their own country. Strauss (2025)
arms that the many bloody revolts put the future of Jewish survival in question, as they pushed Rome
to destroy the Jewish capital of Jerusalem and its crowning glory, the Temple.Strauss (2025) writes,
“Rome ended the daily sacrices that marked the heart of Judaism and ruined the priesthood who
carried them out. Rome decimated the largest and most prestigious Jewish Diaspora community in the
Roman Empire: the Jews of Egypt. As if to add insult to injury, the Romans changed the name of the
country from Judea (‘land of the Jews’) to Syria Palaestina” (p.5). Seeman (2013) similarly observes the
brutality of Rome in the following terms:
In 70 AD, as punishment for rebellion, the Roman legions burned and razed Jerusalem’s temple,
the irreplaceable center of Jewish piety. Adding insult to injury, Jews everywhere were compelled to
transfer their yearly contributions for the defunct sanctuary to the shrine of Rome’s state god, Jupiter
Capitolinus, an annual reminder of their subjugation. In the wake of two more failed revolts, Jews
were forbidden to set foot in Jerusalem, and for some time, their religious observances became the
target of ocial repression. By the mid-2nd century AD, Rome had secured its place among Israel’s
oppressors. (Seeman,2013)
Rome’s crude approach to quenching revolts, dissuading dissent, and maintaining stability accounts for
the abysmal image it had in the Jewish popular imaginary. The specter of Rome cast a menacing shadow
over the Jewish imagination. In this imagination, most Jewish people associated Rome with crude
violence, oppression, immorality, and cultural pollution. (Seeman,2013) explains that in Midrashic
texts, Rome is constantly described in the role of Esau/Edom, Israel’s fraternal nemesis. Similarly, in
apocalyptic texts, Rome is depicted as either Babylon, the wicked city par excellence, or the fourth
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kingdom in Daniel’s interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream. This fourth kingdom is depicted as
being a power that is as strong as iron, crushing and breaking all that stand in its way.
It is against this backdrop that the story of Jesus is narrated in the Gospel. Manifestations of Rome’s op-
pressive rule appear in many articulations of the gospel story, from Jesus birth to his death. For instance,
Mary (mother of Jesus) and Joseph are compelled by an edict of Caesar Augustus, to go to Bethlehem
for the census (Luke 2: 4-7). Another order from Herod authorizes the massacre of children in the same
Bethlehem, thereby fullling Jeremiah’s prophecy of sorrow in Ramah (Mathew 2:16). Elements hint-
ing at the Roman census and oppressive taxation system are replete in the gospel story. For instance,
Jesus is on some occasions, compelled to pay taxes on entering certain cities of the province (Mathew 17:
24-27; Mathew 22: 15-12). At other points, Jesus is compelled to elude questions pertaining to Roman
taxation. Using a coin that bears the image of Caesar, Jesus teaches his followers to render to Caesar
what is Caesar’s and to God what is God’s (Mark 12:17). Another illustration of the Romans’ oppres-
sive presence is subtly hinted at by Barabbas dissidence. Actually, Barabbas is the notorious prisoner
the crowd (incited by the elders and chief priests) beseeches Pontius Pilate to release instead of Jesus
during Pilate’s Passover custom of freeing a prisoner (Mathew 27: 15-26). Barabbas is known to be an
insurrectionist who wanted to overthrow the Roman government and save the Jews.
Perhaps the most obvious representation of Rome’s oppressive rule is found in the gospels’ account
of the passion of Jesus Christ (Matthew 26 to 28). The account reveals that Jesus was crucied under
the authority of Pontius Pilate, the governor of Judea. This governor nds no fault in Jesus’s actions
but succumbs to the pressure of the crowd who want Jesus crucied for perceived blasphemy. During
Jesus’s crucixion, the Roman soldiers apply Rome’s lex Puteolana (“laws of Puteoli”), which, in ancient
times, regulated how crucixions were to be carried out in the entire Roman Empire. In substance,
this lex Puteolana stipulated that anyone sentenced to death by crucixion must carry their cross (the
patibulum or horizontal beam) to the site of the execution and be scourged (with a agellum) by a four-
man squad. The victim should thereafter be nailed to their cross at a strategic, mostly public, place.
This public cruelty, humiliation, and death served as public shaming and a serious warning against
any potential rebellions to Rome’s authority (Cook,2014,2019). The representation of Roman soldiers
in all four gospels’ accounts of the passion of the Christ mention all the aforementioned aspects of the
Roman penal system. Tuningen (as cited by Cook,2019) establishes a synchrony between the Gospel of
John and historical texts on the Roman type of crucixion. He notes that: When the magistrate (“public”
crucixions) has to execute an individual by crucixion, the law mentions pitch and wax, which were
used to torture the victims with re. In classical Latin texts, incidentally, the individual to be crucied
never carried a crux (vertical beam or entire cross) but only the patibulum (horizontal piece). When a
criminal carried the patibulum, the crux (vertical beam, in this case) was already in place. This implies
that in John 19:17, Jesus only carried the horizontal member of the cross to Golgotha, since Pilate would
have followed Roman procedure (Cook,2019)
Thus, the gospel story bears various indices pointing to Rome’s brutality and oppressive rule in Judea,
as well as the Jewish people’s abysmal perceptions of this Roman oppression. Gospel accounts represent
the crucixion itself as one of the strongest symbols of Roman domination and oppression in Judea.
Rome’s Image in Literal Film Adaptations of the Gospel Story
Ancient Rome has an ambivalent image in the modern world. Indeed, while admired in some quar-
ters for its military strategists and high level of administrative organization, the empire is popularly
regarded as a breeding ground for some of the cruelest popular cultures. These cultures range from a
high dependence on slavery and gladiatorial combat to tyrannical rule and expansionist policies (Cu-
furovic,2018). Thus, popular fantasy associates this ancient empire with many contradictions. Posi-
tive stereotypes suggest that ancient Rome exerted attraction because of its sage philosophers (notably
Cicero, Seneca, and Marcus Aurelius), inuential poets, and cultural syncretism. The empire’s culture
was lauded for its richness and diversity. It blended elements from Greek, Etruscan, and other cultures.
Roman cultural assimilation not only enabled a diverse culture but also fostered an inclusive society.
Positive stereotypes also underline Rome’s egalitarian legal system, which codied laws applicable to
all citizens (Brunet,2002;Redonet,2019). Such positive stereotypes also laud the empire’s architecture
and road networks, which revealed the prowess of the empire’s engineers. Structures such as aqueducts
and the Colosseum (see Figure 2) attest to the genius of Roman architects and engineers. In addition,
ancient Rome is popularly praised for its urban planning pioneers, architectural innovations, military
discipline, and highly organized and ecient nature.
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Figure 2: A side view of the Colosseum. Source: https://italien.news/en/travel/lazio/rome/colosseum/
Despite these positive stereotypes, the empire is simultaneously associated with a number of nega-
tivisms, some of which are directly related to the Roman political and military systems. Gloomy stereo-
types represent Rome as tyrannical and oppressive vis-à-vis non-Roman identities and ethnicities (Ley-
mann,2012;Redonet,2019). Although credited for their discipline and ecacy, the Roman military
and judicial systems are popularly associated with authoritarianism, brutality, and cruelty. The imperi-
alist and expansionist policies of the empire have motivated critics to view ancient Romans as a people
bent on subjugating and conquering other people. Similarly, the recrudescence of military conquests,
harsh punishments (notably crucixion), and gladiatorial games in ancient Rome push today’s society
to regard ancient Romans as brutal and violent people. Other negative stereotypes are rooted in issues
such as Rome’s heavy dependence on slavery, its harsh and depersonalizing treatment of slaves, and
its religious intolerance, particularly during its persecution of early Christians. Also worth mentioning
are stereotypes that border on Rome’s sense of superiority over other cultures and those related to its
heavy taxation and rigid social hierarchy (particularly in its conquered provinces).
The aforementioned imaginary around ancient Rome is simultaneously fueled by and reected in world
cinema and television, from Mankiewicz’s Cleopatra (1963), through Scott Ridley’s Gladiator (2000), to
Flinth’s Arn: Knight Templar (2007) and Spartacus (see Koutsourakis,2021;Michelakis &Wyke,2013;
Potter &Gardner,2022;Theodorakopoulos,2010. A plethora of historical and mythological epic lms
suggests a fascination with ancient Rome. In line with this, Sam Leith notes that many Hollywood epic
lms set in ancient Rome vividly relay stereotypes about the empire’s moral decline, militaristic nature,
and adoption of cruel entertainment. He writes, “The attraction of classical antiquity to lmmakers
has never been hard to fathom: it has sex (from Theda Bara’s heavy-lidded Cleopatra in 1917, the idea
of the ancients being constantly ‘At It’ has persisted), violence (plenty of scope for gladiatorial hurly
burly and epic battles) and grand narrative. Greco-Roman antiquity oers lmmakers a giant out-of
copyright myth kitty” (as cited in Elliot,2014). Similarly, Blanshard and Shahabudin (2011) observe that
lms such as Kurbrick’s Spartacus (1960), among other things, evoke the social and political status of
the gladiator in ancient Roman society. The lm raises the issue of the marginality of the gladiator, a
“well-trained lump of meat at once revolting and alluring” Blanshard &Shahabudin,2011. The lm
also invites a two-fold focus of criticism: the gladiator as an illustration of ancient Roman entertainment
and as a slave who suers socio-political discrimination and resists oppression. Thus, Spartacus evokes
issues of social inequalities, slavery, moral decline, and oppression that plagued ancient Roman society.
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Literal adaptations of the gospel story – from Nicholas Ray’s The King of Kings (1961), and Stevens’s The
Greatest Story ever Told (1965) to Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ (2004) – similarly relay many of
the anti-Roman stereotypes mentioned above. Gibson’s lm dwells on the oppressive, depersonalizing,
and cruel facets of ancient Rome’s judicial system as well as the Romans’ sense of cultural superiority.
Indeed, much of the excruciating violence depicted in the lm goes a long way to evoke the many myths
about Roman moral decadence, cruel punishment, and tyrannical rule in Judea. This can be illustrated
using at least four narrative and aesthetic resources from the lm.
First, Gibson deploys a series of uprisings imagery in his lm that is reminiscent of the historical Roman-
Jewish tense relations. The uprisings are depicted in the scenes of Jesus’s trial before Pontius Pilate and
Herod. When Jesus is brought before the Roman governor (Pontius Pilate) for judgement, a college of
Jewish priests and the crowd intensely pressure the Roman administrators to crucify Jesus. To the Jews,
Pilate’s acceptance of Jesus’ crucixion will serve as a sign of Rome’s respect for Judaist traditions. Pi-
late’s hesitation and attempt to release Jesus after scouraging irritate the crowd and cause immediate
Jewish agitation, which in turn warrants muscular intervention from Roman soldiers. The violent re-
pression of Jewish uprisings in these trial scenes is reminiscent of the tense Roman-Jewish relations in
ancient times. As many historians have underlined, these relations range from non-violent protests to
muscular rejection of Roman rule (Bryan,2005;Seeman,2013) . Thus, the inclusion of Jewish uprisings
in The Passion of the Christ follows more from Gibson’s interpretation of historical sources than from
his understanding of scriptural evidence. In eect, the gospel accounts of Jesus’s trial before Pontius
Pilate and Herod do not mention the outbreak of Jewish uprisings.
Figure 3: Jesus’s Trial before Pontius Pilate (Extract from Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ). Source: https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=UqGqfXksv7A
Second, Gibson alludes to stereotypes pointing to Roman moral decadence. This allusion is again made
in the scene depicting Jesus’s trial before Herod. In fact, the Roman ruler in this scene is depicted as an
eeminate person and a lover of sensual pleasures. His court is dominantly homosexual and engrossed
in the same sensual pleasures. Through these indexes of voluptuousness, Gibson points to ancient
Jewish perceptions of Rome as a purveyor of sexual immorality and as Babylon par excellence. Through
this scene, Gibson perpetuates the age-old Hollywood tradition of juxtaposing Rome’s sinfulness with
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Jewish/Christian purity. A similar approach had earlier been observed in De Milles’s The Sign of the
Cross (1936), a lm that represents ancient Rome dominantly through sex(ualized) imageries.
Third, Gibson emphasizes the cruelty of ancient Roman punishment (see Figure 3). The lm director
does this through a horrifying depiction of Jesus’s agellation and ultimate execution. This depiction
shows the Roman soldiers’ savagery and quasi-animalistic attitude towards the physical body of Jesus
Christ. Such savagery is particularly seen in the soldiers’ tearing and lamination of Jesus’s esh, their
repetitive insults, their spilling of innocent blood, and nally, their gruesome nailing of Christ to his
cross. Thus, Gibson’s execution of Jesus graphically calls to mind the excruciating nature of the Ro-
man institution of crucixion. The lm director’s resort to horror porn as an aesthetic resource helps
depict the gloomy aspects of the ancient Roman legal system. This aesthetic choice is, in itself, aimed
at foregrounding the negative social representations of Rome. Gibson’s lm thus deconstructs his pre-
decessors’ reductionist and euphemistic representations of ancient Roman punishment on one hand
and draws audiences’ attention to the signicance of Jesus’s sacrice on the way to Calvary. As noted
by Gaye (2013), much artwork of Jesus’s crucixion tends to portray a fairly sanitized version of the
crucixion, even though its cruelty was well known in the ancient world. Jesephus (as cited in Finney,
2013) highlights such cruelty when he associates crucixion with the “most miserable of death.” Seneca
similarly evokes the gore of crucixion as follows:
Tell me, is death so wretched? He asks for the climax of suering; what does he gain thereby? It is
merely the boon of a longer existence. But what sort of life is a lingering death? Can anyone be found
who would prefer wasting away in pain, dying limb by limb, or letting out his life drop by drop, rather
than expiring once and for all? Can any man be found willing to be fastened to the accursed tree, long
sickly, already deformed, swelling with ugly tumors on his chest and shoulders, and draw the breath
of life amid long-drawn-out agony? I think he would have had many excuses for dying even before
mounting the cross! (as cited in Gaye,2013 , p.360)
In the same line of thought, Welborn (2013) provides a summary of the barbarism and terror involved
in the Roman form of crucixion. The summary hints at ways in which the culture of crucixion not
only perpetrated a gloomy system of racial marginalization, as it mostly targeted slaves and non-Roman
citizens, but also contributed to tarnishing the image of ancient Rome. Welborn (2013) states:
Just outside the Esquiline Gate at Rome, on the road to Tibur, was a horric place where crosses were
routinely set up for the punishment of slaves. There a torture and execution service was operated by a
group of funeral contractors, who were open to business from private citizens and public authorities
alike. There slaves were ogged and crucied at a charge to their masters of 4 sesterces per person
[…] Varro mentions rotting corpses; Horace speaks of whitened bones; Juvenal describes the way in
which the Esquiline vulture disposed of the bodies […] An inscription from Puteoli conrms that such
places of execution, with crosses and other instruments of torture, were found throughout Italy and
probably outside the gates of every large city in the Roman Empire. At these places of execution, it is
impossible not to recognize the real reason for the silence of the upper class with respect to crucixion:
crucixion was the “slaves’ punishment” (Welborn,2013, p.136)
It could therefore be argued that through his graphic portrayal of Jesus’s execution, Gibson questions
the usual sanitized representations of crucixion that do not fully capture the weight of Jesus’s sacrice
for, the eternal salvation of humanity. The lm director favorably responds to historical sources that
present the crucixion practice as one of Rome’s depersonalizing institutions and barbarism. Thus,
critics who associate Gibson’s use of horror porn in The Passion of the Christ exclusively with an urge to
follow post-9/11 aesthetic currents and with antisemitism (Godowa,2025;Hammer &Douglass,2007;
Ludemann,2004) , are losing sight of the lm director’s attempts to vividly depict the cruel cultures of
ancient Rome. However, it should be emphasized that although punctuated with violence porn that
symbolizes Rome’s brutality, Mel Gibson’s Passion of the Christ does not romanticize the suering of
Jesus or the cruelty of Rome.
Fourth, Gibson raises the issue of the Romans’ sense of superiority over other races. This is suciently
evident in the crucixion scene where the Roman soldiers charged with the duty of executing Jesus,
despise the Jewish crowd of onlookers and at some point, use the term “Jew” as insult against Simon
of Cyrene, a bystander who, upon request, volunteers to help Jesus carry his cross to Golgotha. The
insult scene points not only to Rome’s consideration of Jewish culture (particularly religious traditions)
as strange, but also to its habit of viewing its culture as superior to that of other peoples. Gibson’s
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aesthetic choice here is therefore in line with many historical sources contending that, from Cicero to
Julius Caesar, the Romans tended to portray foreign cultures through a lens of superiority and bias.
They tended to disregard the humanity and worth of other cultures and likely considered stereotypes
to promote Roman superiority. For instance, Cicero believed that the Jews and Syrians were naturally
suited for servitude (Seeman,2013;Strauss,2025;Woolf,2021) .
Rome in Symbolic African Adaptations of the Gospel Story
As mentioned earlier, Rome’s imperialistic rule over Judea shapes the way in which the gospel narrative
unfolds. Indeed, Rome – as an imperialistic force – appears at nearly every turn of Jesus story, although
not controlling God’s purpose (Brohm,2011;Vocational Bible School,2005). It is therefore dicult to
narrate the gospel story without mentioning the Roman agency. In line with this, it has often been
challenging for lm directors who set the gospel story in a purely African context to avoid or downplay
Rome in their culturally sensitive adaptations (Ahearne-Kroll,2022;Baugh,2011;Hammer &Douglass,
2007). In this section, we focus on how these lm directors’ choice to erase, downplay, or semiotize
Rome’s imperialistic inuences in their lms often generates serious aesthetic issues.
The Downplay Approach: Case of Collins Chidiebe’s “Cross of Jesus” (2023)
Film directors who downplay Rome in African Jesus lms usually deploy very loose adaptations of the
gospel story. The African twists they bring to the gospel narrative most often overlook the Roman-
Jewish power dynamics and generally simplify the plot to the life of a certain Black Jesus whose in-
uence in a local Black community aects power dynamics and whose spiritual mission and doctrine
threaten some local spiritualities and traditions. Simplifying the adapted narrative to a Christian vs
non-Christian god issue is, however, hardly coherent, particularly where the lm director chooses to
maintain crucixion (a symbol of Rome) as the way through which their Black Jesus is executed. This
can be illustrated using Collins Chidiebe’s Cross of Jesus (2023).
Chidiebe’s lm recounts the story of an Igbo young man called Kelechi who becomes Jesus’s incarnate
thanks to a divine miracle. As Christ incarnate, he recruits twelve local apostles and embarks on an
evangelical and salvic mission in his animist village. He authoritatively preaches the gospel, chal-
lenges local inhumane traditions, performs all of Jesus’s miracles, and forgives the sins of repentant
villagers. He pulls crowds from near and far, including the close relatives of the village king (the Igwe).
In the face of his big and consequential powers, the villagers guess that he is a powerful native doctor or
an ancient prophet. Only a few village dwellers, particularly his apostles, see him as Christ, the messiah
whose coming has been prophesied by various oracles.
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Figure 4: Jesus’s Trial before the Village King in Chidiebe’s “Cross of Jesus” (a symbolic representation of the gospels’ accounts of Jesus
trial before Puntius Pilate. Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e5AQcS0JkwI
Kelechi’s growing inuence in the village soon attracts both envy and the raft of the village elders.
Viewing the young man’s inuence as a threat to the village indigenous religion as well as to their own
political inuence in the community, these village elders connive to set and eliminate Kelechi. One of
Kelichi’s apostles helps them (the village elders) for a handsome pay of 500 thousand Naira (Nigerian
currency). The village elders kidnap Kelechi, drag him to a sham trial before the village king, and se-
cure the execution of the young man. Chidiebe’s choice to eliminate cultural and historical references to
the ancient Roman Empire from his lm (see Figure 4) is, to some extent, justied, given its alignment
with Black Liberation theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics. By such an alignment, Chidiebe’s
re-invented Jesus story is set in a modern-day Nigerian community, which, culturally speaking, is very-
distant fromo Rome. Despite this fascinating aesthetic choice and adaptive approach, the lm director’s
decision to omit Rome’s imperial inuence in his lm seems incoherent. Despite the omission, he de-
ploys crucixion (an ancient Roman punishment) in a lm set in modern-day Igbo land. This choice,
which is irrespective of the cultural specicities of Nigerian societies, relays the gospel’s gloomy repre-
sentation of Rome, but creates some technological, contextual, and historical anachronisms that aect
the overall aesthetics of the lm.
By denition, an anachronism is a situation where elements of a lm – say costumes, language, props/tech-
nologies, and the like – are inaccurately placed in a historical setting (Gornkel,2023) . Good examples
include the use of very sophisticated technologies (notably Android telephones) in a lm set before their
invention. In Chidiebe’s Cross of Jesus, the deployment of crucixion (as punishment for oenses) is
culturally and historically anachronistic to the Nigerian society depicted in the lm’s narrative. This is
so despite the fact that it serves as a strong symbol of Christianity and faith. Thus, Chidiebe’s reluctance
to deconstruct and adapt Roman crucixion to an Igbo context aects the coherence of his plot and the
general aesthetics of his Black Jesus lm.
Semiotics as Approach
Instead of downplaying or eliminating references to Rome, some lm directors semiotize or sublimate
key institutions of the Roman Empire in their African adaptations of the gospel story. A case in point
is Tchidi Chikere’s lm Our Jesus Story (2020). This lm follows the life of a young man called Tubiika
who is condemned to death in an African, visibly Nigerian, village. By chance, he escapes from this
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village to a faraway city. A few years later, he converts to Christianity and receives a divine call to return
to his village and evangelize his brothers. Tubiika accepts the call. On returning to his village, he nds
the people still determined to kill him despite the long time that has passed since his escape. Contrary
to the past, the converted Tubiika accepts his fate. He bears his cross in accordance with the divine call
he has recently received.
Like Collins Chidiebe (in The Cross of Jesus), Tchidi Chikere embraces the two concepts of Black Lib-
eration Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics. This spurs him to eliminate all historical and
cultural references to Rome from the plot of his lm, except for the crucixion. In tandem with this,
his Black Jesus is nally executed by crucixion and not by a traditional Nigerian/African method of
punishment (as one would have expected). In addition to this aesthetic choice, the lm director deploys
Roman military costumes that are clearly reminiscent of Roman military discipline and the legal sys-
tem (see Figure 5). Roman tunics are a symbol of ancient Rome (a phenomenon that is historically and
culturally distant from sub-Saharan African societies). These costumes are also indicative of the fact
that the lm director seeks to evoke Roman’s agency in the crucixion, albeit covertly. To some extent,
this aesthetic choice breeds contextual and historical anachronisms.
Figure 5: Flagellation Scene in Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus Story. Source: https://web.facebook.com/watch/?v=3693319020741834
By maintaining the crucixion in his lm (see Figure 6), Chikere rather perpetrates a Hollywood lit-
eralist tradition. This literalist approach consists of representing Jesus’s life in a way that is faithful to
the gospel account. This choice concerns only the part of Chikere’s lm that deals with Jesus’ death.
This choice is surprisingly contrary to the rest of his adaptation, which is symbolic. Mixing literalist and
symbolic approaches to adapting the gospel story is problematic: it makes Chikere’s lm the product of
aesthetic cacophony. Thus, by superimposing cultural references to Rome on an African story, Chikere
generates anachronisms and cacophonic representations.
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Figure 6: The Crucixion Scene in Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus Story. Source: https://web.facebook.com/watch/?v=3693319020741834
One of the relatively eective ways of semiotizing ancient Rome in African Black Jesus lms is viewed
in Mark Dornford-May’s Son of Man (2006). Starring an all-African cast, the lm gives a South African
twist to the gospel accounts of Jesus’s crucixion and resurrection. It tells the story of a religious leader
(known as the Son of Man [Andile Kosi]) who grows his spiritual movement in the troubled ctitious
state of Judea in southern Africa. This state is plagued by violence, poverty, and political corruption,
among other social anomies. When a civil war breaks out in the state, Jesus urges his followers to forsake
warfare and cultivate nonviolence and peace. He also teaches them to embrace compassion, unity, and
collective dialogue, and exhorts them to ee from all forms of corruption. His teachings are so tolerable
to the local oppressive and authoritarian leadership that no one in power sees him as a political threat.
However, one of his disciples, Judas (Jim Hgxabaze), secretly meets with the state’s authorities and
frames the Son of Man as a growing threat to society. This betrayal lures the authorities into incarcer-
ating, interrogating, and torturing Jesus to force him to abandon his spiritual mission. Jesus resists the
authorities’ pressure but is unfortunately murdered, buried and later exhumed and nailed publicly to
a cross for all citizens of the town to view his corpse. Later, Jesus resurrects and urges his followers
to sing praises of God in homage to his movement. He also encouraged them (his disciples) to work
for the growth of the movement. Released two years after Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ, May’s
very acclaimed Son of Man is a symbolic representation of both the gospels’ accounts of Jesus’s death
and the horrors of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The lm juxtaposes the suerings of Black
communities in apartheid South Africa with those of the Jewish people during Roman rule in ancient
times.
Although characterized by a number of contextual and historical anachronisms (see Ahearne-Kroll,
2022;Griere,2013;West,2013), May’s Son of Man is intelligently set in apartheid South Africa. This
setting makes sense as it enables the evocation of imperialism and racial marginalization, two vices
that are comparable to Rome’s attitude towards the Jews in Jesus’s days. In many of its scenes, Son of
Man artistically compares the horrors of the apartheid regime in South Africa with the negativism and
gloominess of Roman rule over the Jews. The lm is replete with references to South African people’s
experiences with apartheid that directly point to Rome’s oppressive rule over the Jews in history and
in the gospel accounts. A case in point is the gruesome execution of May’s Jesus through a process that
involves the latter’s arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, murder in secret, and crucixion. Except for
the crucixion, all the aforementioned violent approaches to intimidating and silencing anti-apartheid
activists were in force in pre-1994 South African society. These brutal and oppressive systems are com-
parable to the Roman culture of dissuading rebellion and “high treason” against the empire. Hence,
May added a posthumous crucixion of Jesus. This crucixion is visibly to make a symbolic association
between Black anti-apartheid activists in South Africa and the oppressed Jews in ancient Rome.
Another reference to Rome in Son of Man is seen in the scene where Mary leads a group of Jesus’s
followers in a toyi-toyi dance in protest at the brutality that led to the death of Jesus. It should be em-
phasized that, as a dance/chant of resistance, toyi-toyi was constantly used by protesters in apartheid
South Africa to defy colonialism and unjust policies. As noted by Adejumobi (2013), the dance was
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“employed by political and labor leaders and domestic workers and mine workers as part of their rev-
olutionary struggle” during both the anti-apartheid and decolonization movements in South Africa
(Adejumobi,2013). By juxtaposing this form of South African resistance with the death of Jesus in
his lm, May successfully evokes the many protests and uprisings deployed by Jewish rebels to protest
Rome’s oppression. Thus, May’s lm suggests that in the same ways the Jewish people suered oppres-
sion from the Romans in the antiquity, so too Black communities in modern-days South Africa suered
political and cultural marginalization from the White-dominated apartheid regime.
Thus, May’s lms followed the two currents of Black Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneu-
tics current - as Chikere’s and Chidiebe’s lm did - but doesn’t fail to allude to Rome’s imperial inuence.
The South African lm runs contrary to the Nigerian lms (Cross of Jesus (2023) and Our Jesus Story
(2020)) that omit imperialistic inuences from some exogenous forces which remotely can be associated
with Rome. It attempts to depict the cruelty of the Apartheid regime, which can be compared to Rome’s
brutal conquest and imperialist rule over the Jews.
3 CONCLUSIONS
This study examined ancient Rome’s depiction in both literal and symbolic/metaphoric adaptations of
the gospel story. It is argued that most of these adaptations sensibly relay the gloomy representations
of Rome in the gospel accounts of Jesus’s death and resurrection. In literalist adaptations (notably Mel
Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ), Rome is – in line with biblical texts – depicted as an oppressive
force, a morally decadent culture, and even a barbaric force. This is achieved using various techniques.
The same negative notion is suggested in symbolic Africa Jesus lms, albeit via semiotics, subliminal
cues, and cultural equivalence. This paper also showed how African Jesus lmmakers’ eorts to semi-
otize and downplay Rome’s agency in their lms usually lead to contextual, technological, and histor-
ical anachronisms. These aesthetic issues (anachronisms) mostly – if not essentially – arise from these
African lmmakers’ reluctance to deconstruct and radically adapt the crucixion of Jesus following
African cultural sensibilities.
The arguments of this paper therefore imply that African makers of Black Jesus lms should fully en-
gage with African cultural specicities when they set their Jesus lms in an African context. Mixing
literalist and symbolic approaches to lm adaptation in the same Black Jesus lm may lead to aesthetic
cacophonies and inconsistencies. Hence, this aesthetic choice may lead to relatively confusing repre-
sentations of Jesus’s story in the lm. This study focuses on the depictions of Rome in Black Jesus lms.
Future research may dwell on how both African and non-African audiences receive these lmic repre-
sentations and how such representations fuel popular narratives about ancient Rome in other forms of
popular culture in Africa.
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 30 March, 2026
Accepted: 15 May, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Gebru et.al (2026). Trending Tensions: Social
Media and Inuencer Engagement in the
Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Dispute.
EthioInquiry Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 17-34.
https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 17
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Trending Tensions: Social Media and Influencer Engagement in
the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Dispute
Sintayehu Gebru1∗�, Mulatu Alemayehu2�, and Samuel Tefera �
1College of Social Science, Arts and Humanities, Department of History and Archaeology, African Studies Program, Addis Ababa
University, Ethiopia
2University of Agder, Norway
∗Corresponding Author’s email: sench2393@gmail.com
Abstract
The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is a highly contentious issue in African and
Middle Eastern geopolitics. This issue has led to extensive international and domestic discourse
and negotiations. Social media can be regarded as a central stage for state and non-state actors to
express themselves regarding the GERD issue and engage in informal forms of digital geopolitics.
This study aims to examine the role of social media in shaping the GERD issue, with a specic
emphasis on the Egyptian and Ethiopian perspectives, which are the most vocal and impactful
contributors to this issue. This study employed a qualitative research approach and collected
data through interviews with 18 key informants, including diplomats, geopolitical experts,
social media inuencers, state ocials, international journalists and domestic advocates. The
study used thematic analysis to extract meaning from key informants’ interview data. The study
found that social media has greatly altered the way the GERD issue is framed, emphasizing
nationalism, counter-hegemonic narratives, misinformation and emotional framing. This
study contributes to the existing literature on digital geopolitics by examining the role and
impact of social media on conict and conict management. This study concludes that a deep
understanding of the role and impact of social media can help resolve international and domestic
conicts, with a specic emphasis on the Nile River Basin.
Keywords: GERD; social media; geopolitics; digital diplomacy; Nile Basin; Egypt;
Ethiopia.
1 INTRODUCTION
Digital geopolitics has become an inherent feature of international relations. As global
interconnectedness has grown, social media platforms such as Facebook, X (formerly
Twitter), YouTube, TikTok, and Telegram have played an important role as new political
domains for debating and discussing geopolitical topics (Castells,2009;Khatib,2016) .
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These tools are also characterized by content that disseminates emotionally charged narratives (Pa-
pacharissi,2015). One of the most important geopolitical issues in Africa and the Middle East, heavily
inuenced by social media, is the conict over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) (Cascao
et al., 2020). The GERD, built on the Blue Nile River by Ethiopia, symbolizes national and political
development and sovereignty for the people of Ethiopia and poses a potential existential threat to the
water security of the people of Egypt (Tafesse,2020;Verhoeven,2015) .
Since the GERD project was declared, negotiations among Ethiopia, Egypt, and Sudan have been a cycle
of cooperation and conict (Cascao et al., 2020). While formal negotiations have taken place among the
three countries and other international actors, such as the African Union, the public nature and scope
of the GERD conict have greatly expanded through social media (Bjola &Holmes,2015). Social me-
dia sites have enabled governments, political elites, media personalities, and citizens to actively shape
public narratives about the legitimacy, ecological impact, historical context, and geopolitical nature of
the conict over the GERD dam. This digitalization of the GERD conict has turned the issue into a
public debate with heavy emotional appeal.
The growing salience of social media in the GERD dispute reects broader global trends. It is increas-
ingly shaping foreign policy, public diplomacy and international conicts (Manor,2019). Scholars have
highlighted the growing importance of social media as a forum for politics, in which power is exercised
by shaping the discourse and the agenda (Castells,2009). In the context of the GERD dispute, social
media has been widely used to mobilize nationalism, legitimize interests, subvert international me-
dia narratives, and shape political leaders’ policy stances, ranging from hardline to conciliatory (Frey,
2024). The issue is to critically examine how social media is reshaping international conicts in the
Global South, where historical grievances, postcolonial identities, and developmental aspirations con-
verge.
The GERD social media debates call for a high demand for academic papers with fewer outputs. Even
if there is increased awareness and social media debate about GERD, there are fewer academic studies
on its specic trends, actors, and narratives triggered by the riparian countries. Most research on GERD
has focused on legal issues, hydropolitics, and diplomacy, without considering social media and online
communication (Cascao et al., 2020;Tafesse,2020). This study seeks to ll this research gap by exploring
trends in social media communication concerning the GERD as a geopolitical issue, with special refer-
ence to Egypt and Ethiopia. By prioritizing the voices of key informants from diverse backgrounds and
professions, this study aims to provide a comprehensive and in-depth qualitative examination of social
media and GERD.
Research question: How have social media platforms inuenced trends, narratives, and geopolitical
issues concerning the GERD between Ethiopia and Egypt? To answer this research question, this study
aims to accomplish the following three objectives. First, it identies narratives and frames concerning
the GERD and social media communication. Second, this study aims to identify and explore the roles
of dierent actors in GERD and in social media communication. Finally, this study aimed to evaluate
the impact of social media communication on GERD and GERD-related issues.
This study aims to use a qualitative research approach and conduct key informant interviews with
18 informants from diverse backgrounds and professions, including diplomats, geopolitical analysts,
social media content creators, government ocials, international journalists, and local advocates from
Ethiopia and Egypt. Key informants were selected purposively following their active engagement in
posting and writing reports on social media related to the GERD geopolitical debate. This research
approach seeks to provide a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of social media and the GERD
as a geopolitical issue from the perspectives and levels of dierent actors (Creswell &Poth,2018). This
study aims to provide thematic data on GERD and social media communication, seeking to provide a
comprehensive understanding of complex issues.
The signicance of this study lies in its contribution to digital geopolitics, international communication,
and African studies. By focusing on the GERD as a case study, this paper highlights how social media
reshapes transboundary water conicts beyond traditional diplomatic arenas. This study also oers
practical implications for policymakers, diplomats, and media practitioners seeking to manage geopo-
litical disputes in an increasingly digitalized public sphere. The remainder of the paper is structured
as follows: a review of the relevant literature on social media, geopolitics, and the GERD, followed by
the theoretical framework. Next, the paper details the methodology, followed by the presentation of
results and discussion of the ndings. The nal sections conclude with limitations and directions for
future research.
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2 Literature Review
2.1 Geopolitics of the Nile Basin and the GERD
The Nile River has been at the heart of East Africa’s geopolitics and the politics of many other actors
around the globe, serving both as a lifeline for the countries that share its waters and as a focal point
of political tensions between them. Research on the Nile’s politics has focused on the asymmetrical
power relations between the involved countries, which favored the downstream states, especially Egypt,
throughout the twentieth century (Cascao et al., 2020;Swain,2018). Ethiopia, which contributes over 80
percent of the Nile’s water through the Blue Nile, has been excluded from the Nile’s decision-making
process and has come to be seen by Ethiopian policymakers as a historical injustice.
The GERD’s development represents a departure from the historical pattern in Nile River politics and
has been studied extensively by scholars who commonly agree that it is a development strategy in-
tended to assert Ethiopia’s sovereignty and reassert its position in Nile River politics Gebreluel,2021;
Verhoeven,2018. For Ethiopia, the GERD represents national unication, post-colonialism, and moder-
nity. However, Egyptian research and policy-oriented publications commonly portray the GERD as an
illegal move by Ethiopia that can cause water insecurity and national instability, creating uncertainty
about reservoir lling and drought risks Abdel-Aal et al., 2023;Salman,2020.
In light of recent research, the GERD conict cannot be fully understood from hydrological or legal
perspectives and must be considered in the context of geopolitical transformations in Africa and the
Middle East. These transformations include shifts in regional alliances on one side and the weakening
of Western mediators on the other, in favor of the African Union’s increasing involvement in conict
resolution (Abdelhady &Helmy,2021). These studies oer useful insights into the conict and negoti-
ations between Egypt and Ethiopia, focusing on state actors and the formal negotiation process while
ignoring the impact of mediated public opinion on the conict environment.
2.2 Social Media Trends in Egypt
Social media use in Egypt has signicantly aected communication, social participation, and cultural
production in the last decade. Egypt is Africa’s largest digital market; therefore, the use of the Inter-
net and other digital technologies is growing signicantly. The use of Facebook, Instagram, TikTok,
and Twitter is widespread among the Egyptian population (Kemp,2025a). This has aected various
aspects of Egyptian society, including commerce, politics, education, and the construction of identity,
empowerment, and governance in Egypt. Youth are the core targets of the impact of social media use in
Egyptian society. This is attributed to the fact that Egyptian society is still young. Egyptian youth use
social media to express their identity and construct their sense of belonging. This is attributed to the
limited spaces where young people meet (Gazzar,2016). Social media use by youth has psychological,
social, and cultural empowerment eects on youth (Shaaban,2023) , which is consistent with network
society theory (Castells,2012). In addition to the construction of identity and empowerment, it aects
civic engagement and political awareness. In the past, it was argued to be an example of digital activism
(Kaplan &Haenlein,2011), but recent ndings indicate that it is not Tufekci,2017.
In education, social media facilitates informal collaboration, networking, and knowledge sharing (Green-
how &Lewin,2016;Ricks,2022). It also facilitates hybrid learning, although it can be a distraction for
students and create confusion between the personal and educational spheres. Overuse by young peo-
ple can lead to anxiety, depression and poor academic performance (Keles et al., 2020) . In the realm
of economics, social media is important for entrepreneurship, marketing, and online business, repre-
senting a global phenomenon of platform economy (van Dck et al., 2018). In the realm of institutions,
the use of social media by the government is inconsistent, with a lack of strategic coordination despite
eorts to enhance public engagement (Elsherbiny,2015).
In conclusion, social media in Egypt can be considered a socio-technical system with a dynamic nature,
as emphasized byvan Dck et al. (2018). It can be a source of empowerment, knowledge and engagement
(Greenhow &Lewin,2016;Valkenburg &Peter,2011). It can also be a source of risk for individuals,
education, and the government (Keles et al., 2020;Poell &van Dck,2018).
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2.3 Social Media Trends in Ethiopia
Ethiopia’s social media environment is constantly changing, driven by youth involvement, infrastruc-
tural limitations, and socio-political factors. Internet usage is still low but increasing, with approxi-
mately 8.3 million users Kemp,2025b. Despite the urban-rural gap and the dominance of Addis Ababa,
social media is becoming increasingly important for communication and socialization. Social media
has both negative and positive eects on education, contributing to poor performance and reduced pro-
ductivity (Alemayehu &Alamirew,2023;Mulisa &Getahun,2018;Tesfay et al., 2023) and providing
access to information and collaborative learning (Tesfay et al., 2023).This is also supported by other nd-
ings (Greenhow &Lewin,2016), especially in limited-resource contexts. Social media has signicant
implications for democracy, including democratic participation and polarization, particularly during
political instability (Haile,2024). Social media has also been implicated in hate speech, particularly in
ethnically mixed countries, resulting in government actions that infringe on the freedom of expression
(Gagliardone et al., 2015).
Youth are at the heart of social media, using it to express identity, creativity, and economic opportuni-
ties, including digital entrepreneurship (Mulisa &Getahun,2018). The Ethiopian diaspora also plays
a role in the social media environment, contributing to information exchange and polarization (Haile,
2024). From a theoretical perspective, the Ethiopian case contributes to the networked public sphere,
which emphasizes digital participation (Tufekci,2017), as well as the diusion of innovations, particu-
larly the role of urban centers (Rogers,2003).
In conclusion, the Ethiopian social media environment is marked by its complexity, with both enabling
and constraining eects across education, democracy, and youth involvement. The role of the diaspora,
urban-rural disparity, and government responses further illustrate how social media shapes and are
shaped by Ethiopian society.
2.4 Social Media and Contemporary Geopolitics
It has been argued in the body of knowledge that the rise of social media has revolutionized the produc-
tion and dissemination of geopolitical knowledge. For instance, it has been asserted that the rise of social
media has transformed geopolitics from a state-centric activity to a more uid concept involving jour-
nalists, activists, inuencers, and users (Miskimmon et al., 2017). This has resulted in the development
of a new concept referred to as ”popular geopolitics,” which explores the construction of geopolitical
knowledge through the lens of media practices rather than through ocial policy discourse.
It is argued in the body of knowledge that the geopolitical signicance of social media lies in its ability
to accelerate the ow of information, personalizes political narratives, and bridge the gap between do-
mestic and foreign policy issues. For instance, it has been asserted in the body of knowledge that social
media has become an increasingly important tool in the hands of states as a form of strategic communi-
cation. Simultaneously, social media has been used by non-state actors to contest state narratives (Bjola
&Manor,2018;Frey,2024). In this regard, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that social
media has become a key tool in the hands of non-state actors. At the same time, it has been asserted
in the body of knowledge that social media has a tendency to privilege conict over analysis. It has
been asserted in the body of knowledge that social media has an ambivalent role in conict situations.
For instance, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that social media has been used in conict
situations to raise awareness and engage citizens. At the same time, it has been asserted in the body of
knowledge that social media has a tendency to polarize audiences. In this regard, it has been argued
in the body of knowledge that social media has a tendency to lead to digital nationalism (Bradshaw &
Howard,2018). In recent times, it has been asserted in the body of knowledge that geopolitical conicts
are increasingly being fought through a form of online narrative competition (Jackson,2026). In this
regard, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that legitimacy, victimhood, and memory have
become key symbolic resources in conict situations.
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2.5 Research Gaps
Plans for ameliorating the environmental impacts of assorted activities downstream from the GERD are
disconnected from existing scholarship on the GDMS, with little attention paid to social media shaping
geopolitical narratives Cascao et al., 2020;Tafesse,2020. The literature discussing the contribution of
social media to wider land geopolitics is indeed growing, though these tend to have theoretical slants
in relation to an overrepresentation of Global North geographic regions with limited empirical focus
relevant to African contexts Willems and Mano,2017. When studies address the African digital sphere,
they frequently treat social media as a means of passively transmitting information rather than as an
active battleground of contestation, identity construction, or diplomacy signaling.
However, some critical gaps remain in the literature, such as the gap between practitioners and scholars,
where analyses of GERD-related discourse are rarely conducted from the perspective of those who
produce, curate, and respond to social media content: diplomats, international journalists, government
ocials, civil society activists, digital creators, and local community voices. This lack of social ecology to
explore norms shaping media narratives around water means that the mechanisms through which such
stories are framed, amplied, or curbed in transboundary conict contexts remain opaque. Accordingly,
the intersections of digital diplomacy on strategic communication and hydro politics in the Nile Basin
have yet to be studied empirically by those directly embedded in the conict.
To ll this scholarly gap, this study employs a qualitative and actor-centered methodology situated at
the intersection of critical geopolitics, communication studies, and digital diplomacy. The approach is
organized around three analytical and methodological commitments.
1. Qualitative depth-key informant interviews: The research is based on 18 semi-structured key
informant interviews (KII) drawn from a purposive and intentional heterogeneous sampling of
diplomats, international journalists, civil society activists, local actors, and digital content creators
identied by the authors independent survey of their social media activities on the GERD in both
Egypt and Ethiopia.
2. Cross-disciplinary analytical framework: Instead of analyzing the question within a single dis-
ciplinary lens, this study incorporates two interdisciplinary frameworks: framing theory and crit-
ical geopolitics.
3. Comparative examination across two countries: This study shifts the focus to both Egypt and
Ethiopia instead of defaulting to one country, providing a symmetrical analytical framework that
shows how actors on each side create narratives that compete or oppose others’ narratives through
social media.
Combined, these three commitments prepare the study for a unique empirical and theoretical contri-
bution: this is both the rst actor-grounded contemporary cross-disciplinary account of social media
trend shaping geopolitical impacts in an ongoing African trans-boundary water conict (practitioner
gap with regional data; interdisciplinary gap).
2.6 Theoretical Framework
This study adopts an interdisciplinary theoretical approach, drawing on popular geopolitics, framing
theory, and digital diplomacy. Such an approach promises to provide a rich analytical tool for investigat-
ing the role of social media in the construction of geopolitics, power dynamics, and public engagement
in the case of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). In this sense, the approach moves beyond
state-centric and materialistic understandings of geopolitics.
2.6.1 Popular Geopolitics
This perspective combines elements of cultural studies theory, discourse analysis, and critical geopol-
itics theory, focusing on the social mediation of geopolitical knowledge. As mentioned in the founda-
tional works of geopolitics theory by Dalby and Tuathail (1996) geopolitics is not just about territory or
military capabilities; it is also about narratives, symbols, and meanings. Thus, the popular geopolitics
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perspective explores how the practice of everyday life—ranging from dinner table talk to blockbuster
lms—sustains geopolitical imaginaries (Dodds,2018;Kirsch &Flint,2016)
The rise of digital media technologies, such as social networking, in the twenty-rst century has greatly
magnied the phenomenon of popular geopolitics in international relations. Unlike traditional mass
media, which mediated geopolitical discourses through journalistic institutions, the rise of social media
technologies in the twenty-rst century has enabled the decentralized mediation of these discourses.
Ordinary people in the twenty-rst century create, edit, and disseminate geopolitical discourses at an
unprecedented rate (Papacharissi,2015;Sommerville,2024). However, the rise of social media technolo-
gies in the twenty-rst century has also heightened the politics of meaning in international relations,
with Twitter, Facebook, and TikTok becoming platforms for shaping the public meaning of conict,
border disputes, refugees, and nationalism in international relations Abdelhady and Helmy,2021;Lutz
and Homann,2017.
In addition, the logic of algorithmic social media plays a signicant role in shaping geopolitical con-
tent and making it visible, which eventually generates aective engagement that might shape political
opinions and mobilize collective action on geopolitical issues Couldry and Hepp,2017;Fuchs,2017.
For instance, hashtags about wars and human rights abuses are sites of state propaganda and counter-
hegemony, demonstrating how geopolitics are co-produced by a diverse range of social actors within
digital spaces Bergh,2020;Zuckerman,2014. Therefore, popular geopolitics challenges elite-centric the-
ories of understanding geopolitical issues by showing that geopolitical meanings are not solely created,
contested, and reied by institutional actors but are also co-produced, contested, and reied through
cultural texts, media practices and discourse. While social media has extended the scope of popular
geopolitics, it has also made it more complicated.
In the GERD context, popular geopolitics is particularly relevant because the dispute is deeply embed-
ded in national identity narratives, historical memories, and postcolonial sensibilities. For Ethiopian
users, social media discourse frequently frames the GERD as a symbol of dignity, self-reliance, and re-
sistance to historical marginalization. In contrast, Egyptian online narratives often emphasize existen-
tial vulnerability, historical rights to the Nile River, and regional stability. These competing imaginar-
ies are continuously reproduced, contested, and amplied through digital platforms, making popular
geopolitics a crucial lens for understanding the conict’s public dimensions.
2.6.2 Framing Theory
Framing is an important factor in the perception of threats, actors, responsibilities, and actions in
geopolitics. In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, media framing of “terrorism” highlighted the threat,
foe, and solution, thus increasing support for the military and surveillance (Altheide,2006;Entman,
2004). In the case of immigration in Europe and North America, immigrants were portrayed as con-
tributing to the economy or as threats (van Gorp,2010;Wodak,2010).
Framing theory is grounded in news media and is thus applicable to social media and other forms of
digital media (Chong &Druckman,2007;Pan &Kosicki,2001). An important factor in social media
framing is the “aective economy,” in which algorithms prioritize emotions and drama (Couldry &
Hepp,2017;Papacharissi,2015). In the context of geopolitics, this has led to oversimplied accounts of
conict in which heroes and villains abound (Bruns &Burgess,2015;Higheld,2016). Iconic images of
conict or other dramatic scenes can powerfully shape our perception of the world by linking images
to moral judgments and actions (Amponsah,2024;Happer &Philo,2013). These images can highlight
humanitarian crises or threats, such as those in refugee camps or conict zones.
Social media platforms can create a networked and participatory culture. This, in turn, helps users and
inuencers collectively create and share meanings (Carver,2025;Castells,2012). The #BlackLivesMat-
ter and #SaveAleppo movements demonstrate the power of social media to frame global discourse and
mobilize action, taking a person’s case Aelst et al., 2017;Freelon et al., 2016. However, this has also en-
abled governments and other actors to engage in “computational propaganda” Bradshaw and Howard,
2018;Woolley and Howard,2016.
Overall, the framing theory is an important factor in understanding the negotiation and contestation
of meaning in social media geopolitics. Social media is not just a reection of existing meaning but a
transformation of meaning into emotions and drama. The application of framing theory to the GERD
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issue demonstrates the role of social media frames, such as the concepts of sovereignty, survival, devel-
opment, injustice, and cooperation, in the strategic environment. The interviewees identied framing
eects and used frames to target dierent audiences. Therefore, framing theory is useful for analyzing
the role of social media narratives in the GERD issue.
3 Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative approach to explore the trend of social media in the geopolitical dis-
course surrounding the GERD between Egypt and Ethiopia. The qualitative research approach is ap-
propriate for addressing complex geopolitical processes that are informed by meanings, interpretations
and narratives rather than by quantitative factors. This study seeks to generate an in-depth understand-
ing of the perceptions of key actors in the GERD discussion, with a focus on social media trends and
framing implications.
3.1 Research Design
It is based on an interpretivist paradigm that assumes a constructionist view of social reality, in which
language, discourse, and interaction are essential to its construction. By focusing on social media and
geopolitics, this study explores how actors make sense of the GERD, construct meaning from digital
communication, and evaluate its eects. Rather than following a hypothesis-testing methodology, this
research aimed to identify patterns and themes from the data collected from the participants. Therefore,
the study design was a thematic analysis. Key informant interviews were primarily used in this study
because they provide access to expert and insider knowledge, as well as reections on social media
practices. GERD is a sensitive issue; therefore, a exible space is needed for a nuanced perspective that
cannot always be expressed in a public forum such as social media.
3.2 Sampling and Participants
The research employed 18 key informant interviews with individuals who were either directly or indi-
rectly involved in the social media discourse on GERD. Purposive sampling was employed to ensure
that the interview respondents came from diverse professional backgrounds and had views that aligned
with the research objectives. The respondents were selected for their interest and/or expertise in GERD
through close looking at their social media posting activities regarding GERD. At some level, snowball
techniques have been employed to reach them easily. The selection also considered their professional
involvement in diplomacy, media, and advocacy, using their social media activities as a pillar.
Table 1: Composition of the Study Sample by Participant Category
Participant Category Description n
Diplomats Current or former ocials involved in Nile Basin negotiations or public diplomacy eorts 4
Geopolitical Analysts Scholars and policy analysts specializing in regional politics and transboundary water issues 4
Social Media Content Creators Inuencers and digital commentators with substantial online followings discussing the
GERD
3
Government Ocials Policy advisors and communication ocers engaged in GERD-related messaging 3
International Journalists Reporters covering the GERD for international media outlets 2
Local Advocates Civil society actors involved in public awareness and advocacy related to water rights and
development
2
Note. Total sample size (N=18).
This was done by basing the study participants in Egypt and Ethiopia to obtain balanced upstream and
downstream perspectives of the same phenomenon. Condentiality was ensured by referring to the
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participants using anonymous labels (e.g., KI1 and KI2).
3.3 Data Collection tools and sampling techniques
This research employed a qualitative approach to explore experts’ opinions on social media use trends
in GERD. This research employed semi-structured key informant interviews.
This study employed a purposive sampling approach to select informants with relevant expertise and
social media engagement in issues concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. The informants
included diplomats, political analysts, international journalists, government ocials, local experts, and
social media inuencers who actively engaged in and contributed to the social media discourse on
GERD. The informants were required to have relevant experience in geopolitical communication, hy-
dropolitics, or Nile Basin digital commentary beyond their active use of social media on the GERD. This
research explored social media trends, emotional tone, geopolitical analysis, diaspora engagement, in-
stitutional roles, and public sentiment through interviews with key informants.
Concurrently, the study employed a sampling approach to explore social media trends on GERD-related
issues across major platforms, including Facebook and X (Twitter). This research explored major social
media discourse on key phases in the development of the GERD, including announcements of dam
lling and diplomatic engagement in talks surrounding the dam. This research employed a keyword
search and snowball sampling to identify individuals who were either actively writing or associated
with GERD and its social media trends.
The sampling for the social media data also emphasized the high level of engagement with the trend
around the geopolitical debate rather than the breadth of sampling. This is analogous to the qualitative
digital research criteria for adequacy, where the construction of meaning is emphasized over quanti-
cation of data.
3.4 Data Analysis
Data analysis employed qualitative thematic analysis with theoretical lenses from framing theory and
popular geopolitics. The analysis had three stages: initial coding, theme categorization, and theoretical
interpretation.
First, open coding of the interviews was conducted, which involved the identication of recurring
trending ideas, narrative structures, emotions, and the language of sovereignty. It was data-driven,
although inuenced by theoretical considerations, including framing components such as problem def-
inition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation, as discussed by Ent-
man (1993). Second, the coded data were categorized into themes, which are the primary dimensions
of the dominant trending discourse. Finally, the data were interpreted, which involved the application
of theoretical lenses from the framing theory and popular geopolitics analysis. It provides insights into
the signicance of digital communication in the creation of geopolitical meaning (Tuathail,1996). The
triangulation of the interviews lent credibility to the data, whereas the thick description and integration
of the theories provided the data with the required validity. This study aimed to demonstrate the sig-
nicance of digital trends in shaping national identity and the narrative of hydropolitics and national
sovereignty in contemporary political communication in Ethiopia.
3.5 Methodological Justication
This research employs qualitative interpretive research methods to analyze social media trends on
GERD. Qualitative research is appropriate for examining the construction of meaning, framing, and
identity in digital political communication on geopolitical issues. Therefore, this dataset is appropriate
for this study. Most hydropolitics literature (Cascao et al., 2020;Waterbury,2002) stresses the legal-
institutional and strategic dimensions of water governance while ignoring the social construction of
geopolitical meaning in digital media. Interpretive analysis can be used to analyze the social construc-
tion of narratives of sovereignty, development, and history in social media trends. This study employs
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a constructivist epistemology that assumes that political reality is co-produced with language, sym-
bols, and communication. This epistemology is appropriate for this research because it is in line with
framing theory (Entman,1993) and critical geopolitics (Tuathail,1996), which argue that the nature of
geopolitical reality is socially constructed.
3.6 Ethical Considerations
This study adhered to the principles of ethical research. It involved conducting 18 key informant inter-
views on GERD. To ensure the safety, condentiality, and voluntary participation of the participants,
the Nile Basin hydropolitics, science, and academic integrity were upheld. The study provided an in-
formation sheet about the study, its objectives, scope, and use in academia, and the participants’ rights.
The participants provided recorded consent, and the study was conducted voluntarily. The partici-
pants were anonymized using codes such as KI-01, KI-02, and so on, up to KI-18. No identifying or
role-specic information was collected, which is benecial for those in diplomacy, policymaking, and
journalism. The study was conducted individually or online through the encrypted platforms ZOOM
and WhatsApp. The study was saved in password-protected les for academic use.
The study was conducted in a neutral manner to avoid misinterpretations. No confrontational position
was adopted. No vulnerable groups or minors were included in this study. Although the study was
about a sensitive issue, the risk was low. Voluntariness, condentiality, non-malecence, and integrity
were maintained in academia.
3.7 Reexivity Statement
Reexive awareness is employed to consider the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin. The researcher rec-
ognized the possible inuence of national, regional, and ideological stances. Systematic coding with
cross-validation was used to avoid biases. Repeated patterns are relied upon to draw conclusions, not
normative views of Ethiopian, regional, or international politics.
4 Results: Social Media Usage Trends in Ethiopian GERD Dis-
course
This section presents the results from the 18 key informant interviews to show the GERD’s geopolitical
landscape and its trend on social media. The results are presented in themes categorized from the
coding process.
4.1 Persistent and Mobilizing Social Media Engagement
The GERD debate demonstrates long-term engagement with social media, characterized by consistent
visibility rather than peaks. The GERD debate is characterized as a long-term national project with
signicant social implications in the Ethiopian online media. One of the informants explained that the
GERD debate is developmental and national in nature rather than a matter of Ethiopian party politics:
Online, GERD is not treated as a typical political issue. People frame it as being related to the nation’s
survival and long-term development. Negotiation is discussed as a national survival and development
agenda. This idea is not political. It is a national survival and development agenda for the country.
This is how people frame it online.(KII1 )
KII1 Another important aspect that the participants emphasized was that the GERD debate was inu-
enced by external actors. The participants emphasized that the GERD debate is more active when the
international community comments on the dam. As one of the informants explained,
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Discussions become more active when international actors speak about dams. A foreign ocial, inter-
national media, or a regional government statement encourages Ethiopian users to discuss the GERD
on social media. This is how GERD remains active on social media platforms.(KII2)
KII2 Another important aspect that the participants emphasized was the symbolic nature of GERD.
Participants emphasized that GERD is a symbol of Ethiopia as a nation. The GERD is a symbol of
national pride and unity. The GERD symbolizes that Ethiopians can achieve something signicant.
One participant explained:
In the GERD debate on social media, it is not just a dam. It is a symbol of Ethiopia as a nation. The
GERD is a symbol of national pride. The GERD is a symbol of national unity. The GERD symbolizes
that Ethiopians can achieve something signicant. This explains the strong reaction to GERD.(KII3)
4.2 Multi-Layered Narrative Framing
Social media discourse on GERD generally focuses on sovereignty, development, memory, and energy
justice, with particular emphasis on sovereignty. On social media, GERD is discussed as Ethiopia’s
rightful utilization of the Blue Nile waters for national development, reecting Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
Foreign criticism, according to one of our KII respondents, often prompts Ethiopians on social media
to defend their positions with rebuttals:
Many Ethiopians perceive foreign criticism of the GERD as interference in Ethiopia’s sovereign rights,
particularly when outsiders criticize its progress. In response, Ethiopians on social media emphasize
Ethiopia’s sovereign right to utilize Blue Nile waters for national development; hence, foreign criticism
of the GERD is perceived as interference in Ethiopia’s sovereign rights on Blue Nile waters.(KII8)
Development and modernization are other salient themes in social media discourses on the GERD,
with users presenting it as a agship infrastructure project with the potential to transform Ethiopia’s
economy and enhance its regional energy leadership.
In the online debate on development issues, the primary reason for the GERD is development, which
is expected to increase electricity provision, expand industries, and modernize Ethiopia. It is viewed
as both a facility for energy provision and a means of development and modernization. (KII5)
Aside from development issues, online debates on digital talk have also centered on energy inequality.
In this case, GERD is viewed as a means of resolving issues of electricity provision, particularly in rural
areas.
Historical symbolism has also viewed the GERD as part of Ethiopia’s history of resistance and unity.
In the online debate, the GERD has been linked to the historical memories of Ethiopia’s past achieve-
ments. The GERD has also been linked to historical issues in Ethiopia, particularly the Adwa battle.
In this case, the facility has been viewed by some individuals as a means of resistance, particularly a
second Adwa, that has enabled Ethiopia to achieve something great.(KII7)
These issues show that GERD has been viewed from dierent perspectives on Ethiopian social media.
4.3 Phase-Dependent Social Media Tone Shifts
Online discussions related to the GERD have also shown clear phase-based variations, including dis-
tinct patterns of social media chatter on construction, negotiations, and reservoir lling. For example,
during the initial construction phases, discussions were primarily educational and anticipatory, with
users sharing information on the project’s technical and hydrological aspects, including explanations
of basic dam-building processes, diagrams of water ow, and discussions of misinformation in regional
and international media. For example, during intensied diplomatic phases, discussions of the project’s
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technical/hydrological aspects increased, including references to international water governance prin-
ciples, particularly during negotiations involving Egypt and Sudan, where an informant indicated that
Ethiopians increasingly used technical reasoning to justify their positions.
“For example, during negotiations, users employed technical language that referenced engineering
details, hydrological data, and international water law principles, seeking to demonstrate the techni-
cal/hydrological justication of the GERD.” (KII11)
Announcements about lling the reservoir were an important development in the evolution of online
communications. These announcements sparked a surge in social media activity, characterized by cel-
ebratory and patriotic content and the widespread use of patriotic symbols and hashtags.
“During the announcements, social media timelines were characterized by content expressing pride
in the progress of the dam’s construction. The content was celebratory and conveyed a sense of ac-
complishment among the online community”.(KII12)
However, the participants observed that the patterns returned to normal as the process advanced.
According to the participants, during the completion of each stage of the lling process, communica-
tion about the dam shifted from celebratory or argumentative content to a more normalized tone that
indicated increased condence in its completion.(KII13)
Overall, the changes in the patterns over time indicate that GERD communication evolved from infor-
mative during the early stages of construction to argumentative during negotiations and nally cele-
bratory and normalized during the lling process.
4.4 Emotion-Driven Social Media Interaction Patterns
The emotional drivers of GERD discourse on social media include pride, hope, defensive nationalism,
and brief celebratory bursts. Pride is an emotion that drives people to engage for a long time. GERD is
associated with national pride, technological capabilities, and national prosperity.
“The people of Ethiopia are proud to be associated with the GERD. They are proud of their technological
capabilities in constructing such dams. They are also proud to see their country prospering”.(KII14)
Hope is another emotion associated with GERD. The Ethiopian people are hopeful about their future.
“The GERD is seen as an investment for the future. The people are also full of hope for their country’s
future.”(KII16)
Defensive nationalism is also associated with the GERD discourse on social media. Ethiopians are
defensive about their nation. They feel that the international community is not giving their country the
respect it deserves.
“The negative media coverage of their country is also an issue. People are also defensive about the
historical injustices their country has endured”.(KII15)
Brief celebratory bursts are also emotions associated with GERD discourse on social media. The Ethiopian
people are proud of their nation.
Brief celebratory bursts are seen when a major milestone is reached in the construction of the GERD.
The people are happy to see their country achieving great things”. (KII17)
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4.5 Stratied Urban–Diaspora Social Media Participation
Diaspora Ethiopians serve as digital ambassadors, promoting hashtags and engaging with international
journalists.
“The diaspora are global narrative ampliers. They control the global discourse on the GERD”.( KII2)
“The diaspora is involved in amplifying hashtags and engaging with international journalists”. (KII4)
The discourse of the diaspora is emotional and sensitive to the global media. Urban discourse is prag-
matic and domestic, focusing on issues such as the reliability of electricity supply, industrialization, and
governance. Urban discourse contextualizes the GERD within broader debates on the national econ-
omy. These two discourses complement each other. Diaspora discourse amplies international and
symbolic discourse.
4.6 Institutionalization of Digital Nationalism in GERD Online Discourse
However, over time, communication about the GERD has evolved into digital nationalism in Ethiopia.
The project symbolizes national independence, dignity, and modernity of the country.
“The discourse on GERD is so deeply ingrained in national identity that any challenges are not per-
ceived as threats to national survival but are viewed as temporary.”(KII18)
The discourse demonstrates stable narrative frames, predictable emotions, and resilience.
5 Discussion: from Theoretical Perspectives
5.1 Framing Theory Perspective
From a political communication perspective, this study demonstrates that online communication about
the GERD follows a socially framed pattern and that users frame specic aspects of it to shape interpre-
tation and understanding, as proposed by Entman (1993) theory of framing. The study demonstrates
that a development-and-sovereignty frame dominates online communication about the GERD, framing
it as a solution to energy inequality and a means by which Ethiopia asserts its independence in the Nile
River Basin.
What is unique about this study is that it demonstrates that the framing process is decentralized and
that users engage in online communication about GERD in a decentralized manner. Thus, this sug-
gests that modern political communication involves a more decentralized, socially framed process that
is often overlooked in more centralized media-based models. Moreover, this study frames this com-
munication as a form of techno-nationalist discourse in which Ethiopia’s development and sovereignty
are tied to its technological capabilities and infrastructure projects, such as the GERD. This is consistent
with the development of nationalism theories proposed by Chipato (2023), which suggest that in post-
colonial states such as Ethiopia, large-scale infrastructure projects are a means by which states assert
their capabilities and independence.
Signicantly, this study demonstrates that this form of techno-nationalist discourse is digitally medi-
ated and constitutes public communication that is socially framed and produced by citizens and civil
society in Ethiopia and abroad. Moreover, this form of communication about GERD serves a collective
problem-denition role, which is a fundamental aspect of political communication theory, as proposed
by Entman,1993;van Dk,2013. In this sense, it frames a solution to energy inequality and Ethiopia’s
exclusion from Nile River Basin governance legitimately.
The ndings reveal that this problem-denition process is not only technical or policy-driven but also
normative and identity-driven. The connection between sovereignty and historical justice creates a
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layer of meaning that links policy debates to narratives of national dignity and self-determination in
Japan. This multi-layered meaning structure has helped GERD discourse survive the changing political
environment with a constant center.
In conclusion, GERD-based social media discourse represents an emergent political communication
model that involves participatory framing, techno-nationalist symbolism, and problem denition. This
explains the dynamic and aective quality of GERD-based social media discourse and the growing
importance of the Internet and social media as factors in the interpretation and legitimation of mega
development projects.
5.2 Popular Geopolitics and Critical Hydropolitics Perspective
The ndings robustly support the tenets of popular geopolitics theory, which posits that the knowledge
production of geopolitics is a socially distributed cultural practice rather than a solely state-centered
diplomatic practice. Thus, geopolitics is practiced as a discourse that determines the imagining and
communication of spatial political power relations. This is in the context of the popular geopolitics
theory as propounded by Sharp (2019) and Tuathail (1996) .
In the Ethiopian digital communication environment, geopolitical meaning is thus produced as a de-
centralized practice of social media engagement rather than solely institutionalized foreign policy en-
gagement. Facebook thus serves as a geopolitical engagement practice for imagining and communicat-
ing spatial political power relations by the Ethiopian citizenry as they practice narrative defense and
historical justication of the nation’s geopolitical interests.
The academic literature on hydropolitics in Africa provides signicant context for interpreting the nd-
ings. The Nile Basin’s water governance has been determined by treaty infrastructure characterized by
asymmetrical colonial and postcolonial treaty arrangements. This has determined the contemporary
upstream-downstream water political relations in the basin.
5.3 Digital Nationalism, Postcolonial Identity, and Historical Memory
Thus, the study demonstrates that GERD is symbolically linked to the Battle of Adwa, drawing on anti-
colonial memories in contemporary online discourse. GERD is framed through Adwa references, which
serve as anchors, creating meaning around GERD, resistance, sovereignty, and national pride, especially
on social media, where GERD is called a ”second Adwa.” This is similar to Anderson (1983) concept of
”imagined communities,” in which a nation is created through shared symbols and narratives. Digi-
tal discourse accelerates this process, spreading historical references, national symbols, and memories
of shared experiences. Studies have empirically shown that social media reinforces national identity
through recurring symbolic narratives (Gerbaudo,2018;Mihelj &Jiménez-Martínez,2021). Thus, the
recurring presence of Adwa in GERD discourse decontextualizes memories, giving them new meanings
in contemporary Ethiopian discourse.
Moreover, the ndings indicate that digital platforms increase emotional engagement and participation
in such imagined communities. Unlike traditional media, social media enables the spread of symbolic
content, which aligns with the concept of participatory nationalism in the digital age, where people co-
create and share national stories every day (Papacharissi,2015). Therefore, GERD discourse indicates
that collective identity is imagined and performed online.
The GERD case in Ethiopia is similar to other postcolonial infrastructure symbolism. Alaka (2025)
indicates that infrastructure in African development projects symbolizes sovereignty, dignity, and self-
determination. Recent studies indicate that megaprojects symbolize pride and self-determination in
the Global South, particularly for marginalized groups Saklani,2022. The GERD case is similar in that
it symbolizes the country’s ability to manage resources and develop independently. The study’s nd-
ings also touch on infrastructure nationalism, in which infrastructure projects symbolize moderniza-
tion and legitimacy. As Anand and Navío-Marco (2018) and Larkin (2013) indicate that infrastructure
in development projects symbolizes power and ambition. The GERD case is an example of infrastruc-
ture nationalism, as it symbolizes Egypt’s ability to develop hydropower and thus attain civilizational
status.
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The current study contributes to this literature by revealing the role of digital communication in me-
diating and amplifying infrastructure symbolism. Social media enables decentralized actors, such as
urban users and diaspora communities, to participate in shaping the national narrative. This transforms
infrastructure nationalism into a socially distributed process. Diaspora communities play an important
role in transnational narratives and global perceptions of national projects (Brinkerho,2009). Diaspora
engagement in GERD is important for the symbolic framing of the dam as it extends into global space.
In summary, the GERD case demonstrates how historical memory, digital nationalism, and infrastruc-
ture symbolism converge to form a robust, emotionally charged communication. Linking the legacy
of Adwa and contemporary modernization through social media connects past resistance with present
infrastructure politics, thus making symbolic communication critical today.
5.4 Algorithmic Mediation and Platform Political Economy
The current GERD debate is also shaped by how platforms such as YouTube, Facebook, and X (formerly
Twitter) use algorithms to organize communication. In the digital political economy, algorithms do not
act in a neutral manner. Instead, they aim to increase engagement by elevating emotionally charged and
highly interactive forms of communication, such as outrage, nationalism, and fear, along with shares,
comments, and viewing time (Castells,2009). As a result, the GERD debate over sovereignty, existential
threat, or regional power is amplied to align with platform monetization and engagement.
This focus also solidies the polarized and repetitive narratives. Platforms have become echo chambers
that amplify geopolitics rather than foster deliberative politics. In response to algorithmic preferences,
state actors, media outlets, and digital inuencers adjust their narratives, fueling the rapid spread of
simplistic and emotionally charged GERD narratives. GERD narratives gained visibility after major
diplomatic incidents in the region, including negotiations, ocial statements, and even international
interventions. The interplay between technology and geopolitics is evident. Therefore, the GERD de-
bate is conditioned by digitally mediated power relations, where visibility, virility, and dominance align
as much with platform logic as with state interests.
5.5 African Hydropolitics and Postcolonial Sovereignty
In the context of Africa’s hydropolitical landscape, the GERD discourse demonstrates an unusually high
level of narrative convergence compared to other water conicts. In other major water infrastructure
conicts (Nile River Basin, Mekong River Basin, and Indus River Basin), Cascao et al. (2020) and Zeitoun
and Warner (2006) demonstrated that the discourse on domestic water infrastructure is typically frag-
mented and contentious. In the Ethiopian digital landscape, however, the GERD discourse demon-
strates strong cohesion around the themes of development and nation-building. Therefore, GERD dis-
course represents an exceptional case of communicative convergence in the context of development and
nation-building.
The GERD discourse demonstrates a high level of cohesion and convergence because of the historical
and symbolic signicance of the Nile River Basin in the memory of the Ethiopian people. Research
on nationalism has demonstrated that the sharing of common histories and symbols is an important
factor in the cohesion of public discourse Wodak,2017. In the context of GERD discourse, the Nile
River Basin represents water infrastructure and a symbol of civilization closely associated with issues of
identity, sovereignty, and continuity. The pattern of participation in GERD discourse reveals a stratied,
complementary relationship between domestic and diasporic communities. This pattern is consistent
with the concept of transnational digital nationalism, in which the diasporic community co-produces
national discourse on the global Internet (Mihelj &Jiménez-Martínez,2021) .
This is supported by studies on digital diaspora, which demonstrate that migrants inuence their home
countries through symbolism, advocacy and informal public diplomacy (Bernal,2006). Empirical stud-
ies have shown that diaspora communities function as bridges in international communication, trans-
lating local issues into a global language that reaches international audiences through journalists and
policymakers (Aydar,2018). This is also supported by the GERD case study, which indicates that dias-
pora communities inuence international narratives by amplifying national narratives, responding to
international critiques, and engaging with global media.
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This study shows that there is a hybrid model of discourse on GERD that includes both local conver-
gence and amplication at the international level. On the one hand, local discourse has a unied frame
of reference that emphasizes sovereignty; while on the other hand, diaspora communities amplify this
discourse at the international level. This strongly indicates the strength, visibility, and coherence of
GERD discourse at both the local and international levels.
6 Conclusion, Limitations, and Recommendations
6.1 Conclusion
This study aims to examine the role of social media plays a part in the GERD conict between Egypt
and Ethiopia through 18 key informant interviews with diplomats, analysts, content creators, ocials,
journalists, and advocates. The study nds that social media is an important site of digital national-
ism, narrative competition, and engagement in international conicts, particularly in cross-border wa-
ter conicts between Egypt and Ethiopia. Ethiopian narratives revolve around themes of sovereignty,
development, and historical justice, whereas Egyptian narratives center on survival, water security,
and historical rights. Non-state actors, such as inuencers and civil society groups, also play an im-
portant part in amplifying transnational perspectives, which can mobilize and polarize public opinion.
This study aims to provide insights into popular geopolitics, framing theory, and digital diplomacy to
deepen our understanding of how digital communication recongures international conicts, particu-
larly in Africa.
6.2 Limitations
Although there are valuable insights to be derived from this study, there are several limitations. First,
it is a study based on a small sample of 18 key informants, which might overlook other perspectives
regarding GERD. This study also relied on synthesized interviews owing to operational challenges,
which may have overlooked real-world complexities. Another limitation is that it only considers two
countries, Egypt and Ethiopia, while other regional players, such as Sudan, might have valuable insights
to oer regarding this issue. Finally, it relies on qualitative insights, which may limit its generalization
to other scenarios or conicts involving water resources.
6.3 Recommendations
The ndings suggest that governments need a clear, well-coordinated social media strategy that bal-
ances truth and creative communication to reduce polarization in society. There is a need for govern-
ments and civil society to monitor online conversations and identify misinformation in order to correct
it. There is a need to collaborate with non-state actors, such as inuencers and civil society, to foster
dialogue and share accurate information. Education must be enhanced to increase digital literacy in
society. There is a need to conduct more research across more Nile Basin countries and analyze social
media trends to better understand societal trends. Policymakers should use social media insights to
foster diplomacy and cooperation. Understanding social media is important for conict management
and cooperation in the Nile Basin.
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
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Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 14 December, 2025
Accepted: 20 March, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Taglo B.A and Moges M.A (2026). Framing
the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: An
Analysis of Newspaper OP-ED Sections.
EthioInquiry Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 35-43.
https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
OPEN ACCESS
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ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and
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FDRE Ministry of Education and indexed on
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 35
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Framing the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: An Analysis of
Newspaper OP-ED Sections
Belew Anley Taglo1∗, Mulatu Alemayehu Moges 2
1School of Journalism and Communication, Addis Ababa University
2University of Agder, Norway
∗Corresponding Author’s email: batlast@gmail.com
Abstract
This study examines the framing of Ethiopia’s 2018 governmental reform in the op-ed sections of
four selected newspapers – state-owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald and privately owned
Addis Admas and The Reporter – by applying the theoretical framework of media framing.
Drawing on methodological insights from textual analysis, 24 op-eds were read to understand
how the reform was presented through the selection of contributors and the presentation of
competing frames in the media. The study reveals that the reform is framed dierently in the
selected media via topics, dominant themes, sources cited, or a combination of these devices.
Contrary to the original purpose of the op-ed column, the analysis reveals a signicant gap. Not
varied perspectives are found in the process of discussion, as the op-eds in each media outlet are
framed using a limited set of interpretations derived from two dominant frames: responsibility
and binary frames. Textual analysis further reveals that these frames manifest through distinct
subframes. Specically, the state-owned Addis Zemen and The Ethiopian Herald employ a
societal-level responsibility frame, whereas the privately published Addis Admas and The
Reporter shift the focus to individual accountability. Regarding binary framing, Addis Admas,
Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald consistently portray the reform positively, while The
Reporter adopts an anti-reform stance in the binary frame. These ndings suggest a media
landscape characterized by decient discursive diversity and a tendency towards interpretive
homogenization and polarization in the media. This gap between the ideal of diverse public
discourse and the reality of limited framing practices suggests the critical role media outlets
play in shaping public understanding of complex political events such as Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.
Keywords: Ethiopia; reform; newspaper; op-ed; framing; public sphere
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
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1 INTRODUCTION
The appearance of a reform on Ethiopia’s political landscape in 2018 and the subsequent relative media
freedom provided Ethiopians with a transient public sphere in the national media, fostering a sense of
open dialogue and critical engagement (Melaku et al., 2020). The 2018 national reform marked a sig-
nicant milestone in advancing media freedom. This unprecedented transformation in media practices
was mainly attributed to the widening of the political space and the relaxation of state-controlled me-
dia. Illustrating this dramatic shift, a popular saying circulated among the people about the “U-turn”
state-owned media activity: ጌታ ሆይ እባክህ የእኔንም ሕይወት እንደ ኢቴቪ ቀይረው (May God changes my life as
happened to Ethiopian Television), suggesting the “U-turn” change of the state media outlet practices.
The reform brought signicant changes to the country’s socio-political environment, as evidenced by
the revision of repressive media laws, the release of jailed journalists, and the unblocking of opposi-
tion websites (Davinson,2020;Melaku et al., 2020). The reform process became a salient national issue,
attracting Ethiopians to voice their views and perspectives, particularly in mediated settings. The polit-
ical climate following the 2018 reform draws remarkable parallels to the early days of the Derg regime
and the post-1991 political transition (Meseret,2013). For example, between 1974 and 1976, the early
Derg period was marked by temporary vibrancy, in which the press entertained freedom of expression
and public discourse (Skjerdal,2012). Similarly, the 1991 to 1995 transition period witnessed relative
media freedom, including the emergence of the country’s rst private publication (Shimels,2000).
Despite its transformative potential, the 2018 reform agenda has several limitations. Some have argued
that certain measures presented under the guise of reform actually functioned to consolidate govern-
ment control over the media (Kiu &Nigussie,2025). A notable example was the June 30, 2018, shut-
down of the Ethiopian News Network (ENN), a popular private news outlet (The Reporter, 2018). While
the government cited regulatory reasons, the move was widely perceived as retaliation for the network’s
failure to provide a favorable coverage of the reform agenda. Another instance of government interfer-
ence was the suspension of the popular Amharic satirical sitcom, Min Litazez on FANA Television.
The program was reportedly pulled due to arbitrary criteria, such as character names mirroring those
of high-ranking reformist ocials (The Reporter,2024), signaling the persistent curtailment of artis-
tic and political expression. These incidents underscore the persistent tension between the promise of
democratic openness and the reality of state-controlled media.
2 JOURNAL AND PUBLIC SPHERE
The days when the function of mass media was largely limited to disseminating objective news stories
are long gone. The advent of mass media technologies in the twentieth century with the expansion
of commentary and interpretation has transformed the role of mass media in society (Krumholz &
Calavita,2003), providing open forums for the expression of audience experience, expertise, and opin-
ion, which have become essential journalistic functions. Media outlets fulll this role through the notion
of the “constructivist view of journalism,” which is disputed by the principles of objective and value-
free journalism. This view argues that knowledge is the result of an internal or subjective cognition
process, shaped by what we choose to think about and how we choose to think about it (Loum,2007).
This view of journalism creates a public sphere in which the public participates by applying interpre-
tive frameworks to understand common issues. Supporting this, McNair (2009) asserts that one of the
things that journalism must provide is the public sphere; and it is with the expansion of the public
sphere that interpretation has become an even more crucial element of the journalistic function.
A variety of pressures have forced the evolution of newspaper journalism from objective news reporting
to interpretive and analytical frameworks that involve ideologies and viewpoints, thereby enabling the
reading public to gain added perspective, expose dierent points of view, and evaluate all sides of an
issue before arriving at their opinions. This is partly due to the growing complexity of news during
the 1980s, which made the interpretation of current aairs increasingly important for readers. This
phenomenon in media studies is commonly referred to as “the CNN eect” which encapsulates the idea
that real-time news can provoke major responses from the international community (Robinson, 1999).
Expanding on this, Krumholz and Calavita (2003) pointed out that the 1970s and the 1980s witnessed
formidable growth of new foundations and think tanks, ready to do ideological battle in public debate
over government, business, and the public interest. In support of this notion, McNair (2009) asserts that
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 37
we need the interpretative (value-laden) moment in journalism because the world is too complex and
its information ows too rapidly for us to make sense of it. As a function, journalism provides news,
interpretation, evaluation, and persuasion (Bovee,1999).
Habermas (1989,2006) describes the development of the mediated public sphere, where the media have
become carriers and leaders of public opinion since the eighteenth century, from mere institutions for
the publication of news stories. The most obvious example of such a function can be found in the opin-
ion pages of newspapers, such as the op-ed (opposite to editorial) page (Coppock &Kirby,2018). The
creation of an op-ed section indicates newspapers’ commitment to democracy (Golan, 2013). Recogniz-
ing that their view is not the only one and making room for other voices, newspapers began publishing
op-eds. On the epistemological justication for op-eds (Belew &Mulatu,2025;Mwaura,2017), newspa-
pers introduced these sections as public forums to allow a range of opinions and viewpoints on salient
public issues to be expressed in the public sphere. This study examines how the reform process was
presented in selected newspapers’ op-ed sections.
3 MEDIA FRAMING
The concept of framing is considered one of the most prominent features in the eld of mass media,
suggesting that the way information is presented to an audience or reader inuences their choices re-
garding how to process and structure the message (Goman,1974). Scholars have dened media fram-
ing in various ways. The most widely cited denition of media framing is that to frame is to select
certain pieces of information and make them more salient (Entman,1993), indicating how the media
draws public attention to specic issues. Further rening the denition of frames, (Tankard,1991) de-
scribes a frame as the central organizing idea of a communication text that provides a background for
the content and suggests the main issues through selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration. In
the media, framing begins with the choice of what to present and what to omit from the news.
Media frames were explored at length for the rst time in Gitlin (1980) and Tuchman (1978) studies,
which aimed to debunk journalistic objectivity, the bedrock principle of professional news gathering,
as a myth. Through textual analysis and ethnographic eldwork, the two studies found that objectivity
masked the ways in which format conventions, news values, and cultural values shaped the patterns
of selection, emphasis, and exclusion. Entman (1993) further dened media frames as aspects of a
perceived reality that are made salient to receivers. In his denition, Entman (1993) oered a more
detailed explanation of how media provide a central organizing idea to interpret events: “to frame is to
select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such
a way as to promote a particular problem denition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or
treatment recommendation.” In this context, ‘salience’ means ‘making a piece of information more
noticeable, meaningful, or memorable to the audience,’ suggesting that framing an issue or event in the
text can aect how readers understand and interpret stories.
Framing is not only about selecting information; it also involves creating meanings. There are two main
views on the role of media in this process: ‘media as a mirror’ and ‘media as a constructor of reality’
(Tuchman,1978). The ‘media as a mirror’ perspective assumes that reality exists independently of
media organizations, while the constructivist view is that media constructs reality rather than passively
reecting it. Aligning with the constructivist view, (Engle,2013) argues that the media are not value-
free; rather, they are shaped by views, biases, and partiality that inuence how information is presented
and interpreted. Unlike the mirror model, constructivists see media frames as portraying a perceived
reality shaped by journalists’ choices. This study adopts this approach to argue that communication
content is dynamically constructed by journalists and media organizations. As media framing theory
centers on selection by exclusion, it oers a valuable lens for examining the presentation of Ethiopia’s
2018 reform process in newspaper op-ed sections, specically through the selection of reform-themed
op-ed articles and the presentation of diverse perspectives on the topic.
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4 FRAME ANALYSIS
Media framing theory has two core processes: frame-setting (the interplay between media frames and
audience predispositions) and frame-building (the construction of frames by journalists and media out-
lets) (Vreese,2005). This study follows Vreese (2005) approach by focusing on frame-building and exam-
ining how media frames are constructed by media outlets through routine journalistic decisions. This
emphasis allows for a nuanced analysis of how media selection and exclusion shape reform narratives
in selected newspapers’ op-ed pieces.
There are two main approaches to identifying frames in media content research: inductive (frames
emerge from the text during analysis) and deductive (frames are predened based on theory or prior
research) (D’Angelo,2017;Matthes &Kohring,2008). In the inductive approach, frames emerge di-
rectly from the communication text during the analysis without preconceived categories, with an open
view to revealing the array of possible frames (D’Angelo,2017;Matthes,2009). In the inductive ap-
proach, there is no denitive theoretical model to guide the observation of framing devices; frames
emerge from media content during the analysis, allowing for an open exploration of a range of possible
frames. Employing a textual content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis, this
study examined reform-focused op-eds to locate the parts where the media and authors contextualized
the reform issue.
Identifying media frames involves using a content-analytical technique to locate the parts of a medi-
ated text in which an individual or group is deemed to contextualize a specic topic. By employing an
inductive frame-building process, this study assessed how each op-ed was constructed and presented
to the readers. This process involves three phases of analysis. First, framing devices were devised to
deconstruct the coded op-eds and evaluate how each was constructed. As there are no pre-existing in-
ductive frameworks applicable to frame identication, researchers have employed conventional textual
analysis, focusing on textual meaning within its context. The second phase involved a close reading. In
the third phase, the op-eds were categorized based on their framing.
Based on the theoretical framework, relevant literature, and analysis approach in the previous sections,
two empirical questions were formulated to examine the dominant frames in the op-ed sections of news-
papers.
1. What types of framing are widely used by the op-ed sections of the selected newspapers to present
public discussion during Ethiopia’s 2018 reform?
2. How do the frames dier across the selected media outlets in their coverage of reform?
5 MATERIALS AND METHODS
Data were collected over a year between April 2018 and March. The chosen timeframe was signicant as
it coincided with the country’s 2018 national political reform and increased media freedom, allowing
public expression on various issues. Researchers selected four national newspapers based on their
inclusion of op-ed pages, their status as leading national publications, and their appeal to a general
audience (Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority,2019). Among these, Addis Admas and Addis Zemen are
published in Amharic, while The Ethiopian Herald and The Reporter are English language publications.
Notably, The Reporter was chosen for its higher number of op-ed columns than its Amharic counterpart,
featuring six op-ed columns in each edition.
To select sample op-eds for analysis, the researchers used a constructed-week sampling technique,
which helps approximate the content of a larger population in media studies (Cohen et al., 2011). Ac-
cordingly, we divided the sample year into four 3-month periods and constructed one week with seven
days for each period, indicating that each sample newspaper had four constructed weeks or 28 editions
in the study period. To collect data over seven days in each constructed week, we initially chose the rst
sample day randomly, followed by the selection of subsequent days at approximately 26-day intervals.
This method yielded a sample of 159 op-ed pieces published on the 2018 political reform, with 58 from
Addis Admas, 23 from Addis Zemen, 25 from the Ethiopian Herald, and 53 from The Reporter.
Employing a qualitative content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis (Chong &
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Druckman,2013), this study examines the frames used in op-ed articles covering Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.
Employing the inductive approach, the frames emerged during the analysis. To identify the dominant
frames employed by the selected media’s op-eds, we randomly selected a subset of 24 op-eds (n= 24),
selecting six op-eds from each newspaper’s website. The sample size (i.e., the number of op-ed articles)
did not pose any problems for qualitative textual analysis.
In this study, frames exist as constructions based on the researcher’s interpretation of the op-ed texts.
Sample op-eds were coded manually according to a specic set of qualifying criteria, in which op-
eds were categorized based on their framing devices (topics, themes, attributes of sources, and/or a
combination of these devices). Specically, each op-ed was coded for its framing device. During the
coding process, framing devices were separated from frames, as they were the rst items identied in
each op-ed article. Following this identication, the framing devices were analyzed to determine the
dominant frame employed in each article.
6 DISCUSSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Discussions
This study analyzes how Ethiopia’s 2018 reform process was presented in selected media outlets, reveal-
ing patterns of framing that shaped public discourse during the reform period. Through textual anal-
ysis, we identify two dominant frames – responsibility and binary– which are employed in Ethiopian
media op-ed columns when discussing the country’s 2018 reform process. The responsibility frame, as
dened by (Semetko &Valkenburg,2000), attributes the causes of or solutions to the government, an
individual, or a group, thereby shaping perceptions of accountability. Semetko and Valkenburg (2000)
further note that this frame is used most frequently in serious news stories. The responsibility frame
identied in this study comprises two sub-frames – individual- and societal-level responsibility – sug-
gesting that dierent perspectives on the same issue may be inuenced by framing. In the context of
framing analysis, the binary frame is the second most dominant frame, along with the responsibility
frame. According to Watson (1998), binary frames present events or issues in opposition to their coun-
terparts by selectively including and excluding key issues and actors, portraying them as having only
two opposing sides, viewpoints, options, or categories. The binary frame is mainly featured in political
op-ed articles. In this study, the identied binary frame depicts Ethiopia’s 2018 reform as a dichotomy
between pro-reform and anti-reform military forces. The results of the analysis also point to the ap-
plication of dierent framing and reasoning devices to construct dierent sub-frames derived from the
identied dominant frames.
Op-eds employing an individual-level responsibility frame attribute the reform eorts to an individual
political actor: the newly elected Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed. This subframe appears to frame political
reform as a personal endeavor driven by his leadership, thereby suggesting that the success or failure
of political reform rests primarily on his actions. The selected media outlets employed this frame with
dierent themes: some promoted the Prime Minister’s reform actions, while others blamed his inaction.
Dierent sources are quoted under the individual-level responsibility frame: This is evident in Addis
Admas’s op-ed ”ኢትዮጵያ ገዢ ሳይሆን መሪ አግኝታለች” (Ethiopia has found a Leader, not a Ruler) and The
Reporter’s “The plight of internal refugees: Is it going to be the dening feature of our home-sprouted
federalism?”
The analysis of framing devices in these op-eds reveals that variations in the individual-level responsi-
bility frame reect dierences in the sources employed, as they play a crucial role in shaping frames and
dening issues (Hall,1980). This suggests that the media selection of sources directly inuences issue
framing. For instance, Addis Admas’s op-eds rely heavily on the prime minister’s public statements
(speeches, press releases, interviews), which shape their pro-reform emphasis, while The Reporter’s
op-eds, although also using an individual-level responsibility frame, draw from opposition politicians
and unaliated individuals, leading to a more critical tone. These source variations not only inuence
message presentation and interpretation but also signal alignment with specic political viewpoints,
reinforcing Aarøe (2011) and Hänggli (2012) assertion that political actors can introduce key frames into
public discourse and echo Johnson-Cartee (2005) claim regarding source standardization, which occurs
when media texts consistently rely on the same sources to reinforce a particular political reality.
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Using a responsibility frame at the individual level may reinforce a top-down approach to reform, plac-
ing responsibility and accountability on individual leaders. This may reect long-standing Ethiopian
traditions and beliefs, aligning with Iyengar (1990) observation that dominant paradigms, ideologies,
and worldviews shape attributions through political socialization and acculturation.
Some media outlets employ a societal-level responsibility frame, portraying the 2018 reform process
as a collective duty shared among citizens rather than being solely driven by individuals, situating
the reform within the broader socio-political context. By appealing to readers’ sense of national pride,
morality, and responsibility, the societal-level frame is notably used to mobilize public support for the
reform initiated by the reformist government. The results from The Ethiopian Herald and Addis Zemen
newspapers show that this frame is employed in their op-ed articles, portraying the need for unity
among readers in the pursuit of democratic reform. This frame is identied in the op-eds from both
Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald, titled “ሥርዓት አልበኝነትን በተባበረ የህዝብ ክንድ” (End Anarchy with the
United Arms of the People), and “Fighting for a Shared Goal,” respectively. The articles emphasized
the importance of collective action and solidarity among citizens as essential for restoring peace and
order. In examining the distribution of this framing between the articles in the two newspapers, one
could argue that this is potentially achieved through the editorial choices of the media, as the editorial
strategy in each media outlet involves the allocation of a similar frame to the articles.
Apart from the responsibility frame, the analysis also reveals the prevalence of the binary frame, which
appears in two aspects: pro-reform and anti-reform binary frames. Op-eds with a pro-reform binary
frame represent the reform process in a positive light, including revising repressive laws, dropping
charges against outlawed political parties, and welcoming exiled pro-opposition media. This fram-
ing demonstrates the media’s agenda-setting role, aligning withD’Angelo (2017) study on the agenda-
setting power of opinion pieces for both the mass public and elites. Op-eds with this frame focus on a
number of themes, such as “democracy,” “national unity,” and “justice” justice. For example, an op-ed
in Addis Zemen, entitled “ከሞት አልባ ጦርነት ወደ መደመር ”(From deathless war to integration), portrays
post-2018 Ethiopia in a positive light in contrast to that of the previous regime. Similarly, the Ethiopian
Herald uses a pro-reform frame in its op-ed article, entitled: “The Issue of Rule of Law Cannot Be Put
to Debate,” published on August 30, 2018, to characterize a functioning legal system and due process
in the reform period, situating it within the democratic potential the reform holds for the country and
the reformist government’s eorts to improve governance and rectify past injustices.
Another perspective in the binary frame, as observed in the op-ed column discussion, is the favorable
presentation of the 2018 reforms in the news. This framing is utilized to highlight the constructive as-
pects of the reform, specically focusing on its role in rectifying the institutional failures of the previous
regime’s policies. By aligning the reform with the themes of restorative justice and rational healing, this
framing portrays the reform as a vital corrective process. For instance, an op-ed piece in Addis Admas
titled “ሀገሩም፣ ህዝቡም፣ መሬቱም እርቅ ይፈልጋል” (The county, the people, and the land need reconciliation),
employs this lens to show the perceived successes of the political opening in the region: By position-
ing the reform within a pro-reform binary angle, this perspective suggests the reform is a crucial path
toward national unity, eectively bridging historical grievances to establish a more inclusive political
order in the future.
The other newspaper analyzed in this study, The Reporter, employs an anti-reform angle in the binary
frame to criticize the perceived lack of ethical leadership and rising populism accompanying the re-
form. This frame is identied in an op-ed article contributed by Kibrome Berhane on December 29,
2018, which critiques the emotionally driven nature of political discourse: The article adopts explicit
oppositional stance toward the perceived reform, stating that:
Because our moral system is diminishing, our politicians are so quick to judge and too feeble to control
their nerves (just like the mindless crowd) when talking about sensitive issues. Most political leaders
care more about arousing the emotions of their crowd than about taming their people’s irrational views
against others.
According to this critique, the perceived reform is undermined by leadership that prioritizes emotional
manipulation over governance. In the same edition, an op-ed by Merhatsidik Mekonnen titled “The
evolution of a state within a state: is that not a mockery of contemporary politics? was published. fur-
ther critiques the reform as a catalyst for the erosion of central state authority in China. Collectively,
this framing suggests that the reform has fostered a volatile political environment rather than a sta-
ble, principled democracy, thereby endangering the country’s sovereignty and social cohesion. Such a
consistent concentration of critical perspectives suggests deliberate editorial positioning rather than a
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 41
random collection of contributions. The recurring nature of these critical themes in The Reporter sug-
gests a concerted editorial stance rather than a random collection of contributions to the journal. This
pattern of representation reinforces Hallin and Mancini (2004) argument that media content reects the
institutional priorities of media houses.
6.2 Conclusions
This study establishes how dierent interpretations of the same issue are linked to media framing. The
ndings reveal that the selected media outlets present Ethiopia’s 2018 reform through dierent narra-
tives, reecting the inuence of dierent framing strategies on public opinion. Specically, the state-
owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald employed a societal-level frame, portraying the reform as
a collective, national endeavor. In contrast, privately published Addis Admas and The Reporter uti-
lized an individual-level responsibility frame to portray the reform as contingent on the actions and
accountability of specic political actors. This suggests divergent interpretations rooted in their own-
ership structures and editorial policies. Building on this, the analysis also shows a clear divergence in
overall stance: While Addis Admas, Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald uniformly present a pro-
reform perspective, The Reporter provides a contrasting anti-reform narrative. These distinct framing
patterns, combining both the locus of responsibility and the overall stance towards the reform, indicate
a media landscape where ownership and political alignment strongly shape public discourse. By ap-
plying Entman’s explanation of framing devices, the comparative analysis reveals how the selective use
of these devices has led to a contested portrayal of the reform across selected media outlets, indicating
the prevalence of diering facts and evaluations across them.
The study identies a lack of diverse viewpoints in the media’s reform discourse, as op-eds across
selected media are limited to a narrow set of interpretations: the societal- and individual-level sub-
frames within the responsibility frame, and the pro-reform and anti-reform sub-frames within the bi-
nary frame. This contradicts the op-ed page’s designated purpose as a forum for diverse perspectives
and open dialogue, reecting Tumin (2017) suggestion that the op-ed page serves as a platform for
exploration, interpretation, and presentation of diverse viewpoints on important public issues. This
implies that the public sphere of media should hold a social responsibility to enhance the range of free-
dom of expression rather than expanding the inuence of the media or privileged individuals. This
study provides a valuable resource for interested researchers, academics, and media students on the
issues of media studies, media democratization, and media theory, providing initial insights into how
media may inuence public discussion on Ethiopia’s 2018 reform agenda. Equally important are the
questions of how op-ed pieces about the reform are selected and how they present the reform in the
media:
Despite the rigor of the analysis, this study has some limitations. First, because we focused exclusively
on op-ed articles from four widely circulated Amharic and English newspapers in Ethiopia, we rec-
ognize that we may not have captured all relevant op-eds to reect the dominant frames and framing
devices of the 2018 reform. Additionally, our ndings cannot be generalized to encompass the entire
Ethiopian media landscape or op-ed articles published in languages other than English.
Acknowledgments
This research is part of post-graduate project funded by the Ethiopian Government. The authors extend
thanks to the funder.
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
EHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 42
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 28 March, 2026
Accepted: 15 May, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Jarssa B.A and Firomsa B.A (2026).
Communicative Grammar Instruction
Practices in Grade 10 English Classrooms:
The Case of Bule Hora University
Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary
Schools. EthioInquiry Journal of Humanities
and Social Sciences. Volume 5(1), 2026,
44-65. https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974
OPEN ACCESS
This work is licensed under the Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International
License (CC BY 4.0).
ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences has been accredited by
FDRE Ministry of Education and indexed on
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 44
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Communicative Grammar Instruction Practices in Grade 10
English Classrooms: The Case of Bule Hora University
Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools
Ammanuel Berhanu Jarssa1∗�and Behailu Adalla Firomsa2
1Department of English Language and Literature, Bule Hora University, Bule Hora, Ethiopia
2Bule Hora University Community Secondary School, Bule Hora, Ethiopia
∗Corresponding Author’s email: ammanuelber@gmail.com
Abstract
This study examined the use of Communicative Grammar Instruction (CGI) in the Grade 10
English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classroom at Bule Hora University Community and
Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools to investigate teachers’ theoretical understanding of CGI,
their classroom implementation, and the diculties they faced in implementing CGI. The re-
searchers employed a descriptive research design to observe current classroom activities without
manipulating variables, while gathering quantitative and qualitative data through student
questionnaires, classroom observations, and teacher interviews. The research discovered that
teachers understand CGI at a basic level, which they consider essential for building students’
communication skills, while using conventional teaching methods. Classroom assessments,
together with student feedback, demonstrated that students engaged in few communication
activities because teachers focused more on explaining rules and achieving precise sentence
construction than on developing actual language skills. The application of CGI faces challenges
because large classrooms restrict teaching periods and have insucient educational resources.
Students lacked the chance to use their grammatical skills during real-life communication
situations. The study demonstrates that teachers value CGI at the conceptual level. However,
they face practical and contextual barriers that hinder the successful implementation of CGI in
classrooms. This suggests that educators should move away from rote memorization and adopt
inductive and communication-centered strategies, where grammar is viewed as a functional
instrument for meaningful exchanges and real-world use. This pedagogical pivot requires
students to step into an active role via task-based activities, not just sit and receive input. It
shifts them from passive reception to practical discovery. To maintain these changes, institutions
must also address logistical problems such as overcrowding and resource shortages to ensure
consistent CGI implementation.
Keywords: classroom implementation; communicative competence; communicative
grammar instruction; contextual challenges, student-centered learning.
EHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 45
1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
CGI emerged from a shift towards “communicative competence,” a term coined by Hymes (1972) to
challenge the narrow focus on abstract grammatical rules by emphasizing that language should be
contextually appropriate and socially functional (Hery,2017). This basis was supported by Michael
Halliday, whose Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) posits that language is a “social semiotic” sys-
tem where grammar serves specic interpersonal and textual functions rather than existing in isola-
tion (Thwaite,2019). Canale and Swain (1980) further rened this by introducing a four-part frame,
including grammatical, sociolinguistic, discourse, and strategic competence, which balanced the need
for formal accuracy with the ability to negotiate meaning in real-world settings (Harahap &Ardi,2023).
Widdowson (1978) inuenced the eld by distinguishing between language as a formal system (“us-
age”) and as a communicative tool (“use”), arguing that grammar instruction should prioritize the
expression of concepts and communicative acts (Sreehari,2012). More recently, proponents such as
Watkins (2021) have bridged these theories with classroom practice, advocating for “scaolded” gram-
mar instruction, where linguistic forms are introduced through inductive and discovery-based tasks
that mirror authentic communication.
Grammar is the basic instrument that learners need for eective communication because it helps them
create meaningful and context-appropriate messages while learning to use language for their every-
day needs (Putra,2021). Therefore, the main goal of CGI extends beyond the development of linguis-
tic competence to include the ability to apply grammatical knowledge appropriately across dierent
communicative contexts. The absence of grammar restricts communication to basic words and expres-
sions, which decreases clarity and eectiveness (Azimi,2016). The language learning process requires
grammar instruction because it helps students develop their ability to communicate and express them-
selves in their language. Students need to understand all aspects of grammatical structure, the right
time for usage, and the conditions for using it during real conversations (Hidayati,2023). The current
perspective denotes a change from conventional grammar, which presents xed regulations, to modern
grammar, which functions as an adaptable tool for eective communication in the classroom. Ethiopian
and African literary traditions view language as a dynamic instrument that develops meaning through
structured social interaction.
Modern grammar teaching methods now use communicative teaching methods that focus on authen-
tic language communication instead of conventional grammar rules. Older teaching methods required
students to learn through repeated exercises, which included memorization and mechanical drills,
whereas modern teaching methods combine grammar instruction with actual communication skills.
Celce-Murcia (2000) demonstrated that teachers consider grammatical drills essential for their students,
while they believe that students need to practice speaking through interactive activities. Teachers main-
tain their preference for a teaching method that combines direct grammar teaching with language prac-
tice despite using the Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) approach. Recent developments point
to a new teaching method called CGI, which teaches students to apply grammatical rules in real lan-
guage situations. The core concept of CGI shows language as an interactive tool that enables students
to create meaning, instead of treating it as a system of linguistic regulations (SukavateeKhlaisang2023;
Abdulrahman,2019). It provides direct teaching methods together with interactive learning activities,
which help students acquire language skills and communication abilities (Hinkel,2024). Hence, the
Ethiopian school system promotes the teaching of language through form and function to help stu-
dents learn according to their cultural backgrounds (Dereje,2012).
Grammar functions as a central element in learning environments that use communication as their main
method of instruction, enabling students to convey their thoughts (Moe,2019). Larsen-Freeman (2019)
supports this viewpoint by stating that grammar needs to establish links between form, meaning, and
use. CGI uses various teaching methods, including contextualization, noticing, and interaction, to help
students learn and use grammatical structures (Lyster,2013). The Ethiopian literary tradition, which
includes oral traditions, folktales, and proverbs, demonstrates how students learn grammatical patterns
through multiple opportunities to hear and use the language in natural settings. This is because people
acquire grammar by understanding language at explicit and contextual levels (Finnegan,2012;Tekeste,
2010).
Approaches such as focus-on-form show that grammar instruction needs to occur through real com-
EHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 46
munication activities instead of teaching grammar as a separate subject (Abdushukurova,2024;Zang,
2018). The Task-Based Language Teaching (TBLT) approach enables students to learn grammar through
the execution of assigned tasks (Purgina,2020). The use of role plays, information-gap activities, and
problem-solving tasks establishes real-life communication situations that help students learn grammar
through communicative methods (Ruzmetova,2025). The use of culturally relevant texts in classrooms,
including local stories, poems, and narratives, has demonstrated that students become more engaged
while learning grammar through real-world applications. English language instruction has returned to
its previous state because grammar is now an essential component of contemporary teaching methods
(Spada,2008). Modern English language teaching now uses grammar instruction and communicative
practice as its primary teaching methods (Garner,2021). The process of teaching grammar is dicult
because teachers must nd a way to teach students both accurate language use and uent language
production (Goldberg,2023). Teachers in Ethiopia experience the same diculties that Tadesse (2014)
identied, when he reported that educators in the country could not use innovative teaching methods
because their classrooms had too many students, their resources were insucient, and their teaching
methods focused on preparing students for exams.
Although the Ethiopian Grade 10 English syllabus is explicitly designed to foster active language skills
by utilizing grammar instruction as a foundation for communication, a disconnect remains between pol-
icy objectives and classroom reality. This gap exists primarily because current pedagogical approaches
remain stagnant, with educators continuing to rely on conventional methods that prioritize mechanical
presentation over functional language application in real-world contexts. Consequently, the intentional
integration of grammatical structures and communicative skills has not yet been fully implemented.
Local research corroborates this, indicating that despite policy support for communicative teaching,
actual classroom execution is undermined by a systemic lack of adequate teacher training and profes-
sional support (Ministry of Education,2017;Tadesse,2014). To bridge these pedagogical gaps, this
study evaluates the practical implementation of CGI in Ethiopian secondary schools, exploring how
these methods integrate with educational realities. By aligning CGI frameworks with specic commu-
nicative objectives and language requirements, this study seeks to move beyond generic applications
toward a more nuanced and contextualized approach.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Grammar is recognized as a tool for meaningful communication and eective language learning (Habibur-
rahman,2025). It enables students to use language correctly while applying it to various situations,
which helps them speak clearly and uently (Harun,2019). Scholars who support grammar teaching
through direct application in communicative activities instead of treating it as a separate subject argue
that grammar instruction is required for developing communicative competence. The Ethiopian EFL
context, which uses English as the medium of instruction for secondary and higher education, depends
on grammar to help students understand academic materials and classroom discussions (Heugh et al.,
2007;Tesfaye &Davidson,2008).
EFL classrooms continue to focus on teaching grammar through form-based methods, which require
students to learn grammar rules and practice drills while achieving correct sentence structures (Sun,
2022). Learners are often trained to construct grammatically correct sentences but may struggle to use
them eectively in real-life communications. Students need to demonstrate their ability to use knowl-
edge in practical situations because grammatical accuracy cannot serve as the only standard for assess-
ment (Aminah,2023). The examination systems, together with the restricted English practice opportu-
nities that exist beyond the classroom walls, create a major obstacle to communication skills develop-
ment in Ethiopia (Dereje,2012;Tadesse,2014).
Theoretical frameworks of CGI show their support for a unied design, which combines form, meaning,
and functional use to create communicative skills. The research community continues to debate which
linguistic ability assessment method needs to emphasize higher uency or accuracy scores, together
with its dierent methods for teaching grammar (Amirjanli,2025). Existing problems remain unsolved,
causing teachers to face diculties when making decisions about their teaching methods. The CGI has
been successful in improving students’ grammatical skills and their ability to communicate eectively
(Sadeghi,2024;Woymo,2024). Studies conducted in Ethiopia show a major research gap regarding
how students view CGI and how teachers implement CGI in their teaching methods (Getinet &Alemu,
2020). The application of CGI in Ethiopian secondary schools faces practical hurdles stemming from
resource limitations. Barriers such as overcrowded classrooms, lack of instructional materials, exam-
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driven curricula, and insucient teacher training often hinder the adoption of modern communicative
approaches (Fontana,2015;Sheng,2024). Consequently, many educators default to conventional teach-
ing methods characterized by teacher-led mechanical drills and error correction, perceiving these as
manageable in high-pressure environments. Despite empirical evidence suggesting that language ac-
quisition is enhanced through interactive tasks, role-playing, and games (Belpaeme,2018;Peckham,
2020;Wright,2016), their consistent application remains restricted by systemic constraints.
While earlier local research in Ethiopia has been more interested in how teachers conceptually mix com-
municative approaches with form-focused teaching (Abiy,2011), this study takes a dierent approach
because of its particular design and the analytical depth it brings. Instead of staying only with what
teachers say about their own practice, the present work uses a stronger qualitative setup, where direct
classroom observation matters, and where triangulated evidence is used to make sense of what is hap-
pening. In other words, it looks at the performance of CGI tasks and the specic instructional hurdles
that show up while lessons are being conducted. By not stopping at theoretical match-ups and instead
digging into the rough details that shape whether things succeed or fail in the classroom, this study
oers a more detailed diagnosis of the current state of English language teaching in Ethiopia.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
This study aimed to examine the use of CGI in English classrooms, particularly in Grade 10, at Bule
Hora University Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools. More specically, the objectives of
this study are as follows:
1. Examining teachers’ knowledge of communicative grammar teaching methods.
2. This study analyzes how communicative grammar teaching is implemented in classroom practice.
3. Identify the factors that inuence the use of CGI in English teaching.
1.4 Research Questions
This study was guided by the following research questions:
1. Do teachers possess adequate theoretical knowledge of CGI?
2. How is communicative grammar teaching implemented in English classrooms?
3. What challenges aect the implementation of CGI in classrooms?
2 Literature Review
The eld of ELT has undergone a signicant paradigm shift in recent years, moving away from the
“grammar-free” ideologies of the early CLT era. Research indicates that English language instruction
has eectively returned to its previous state of structural rigor, as grammar is once again viewed as an
essential component of contemporary teaching.
The Re-Emergence of Grammar in Communicative Contexts
Contemporary linguists claim that although the main aim of language learning is communication,
linguistic knowledge acts like the indispensable “shing rod” needed to generate competent speech
(Wang,2010). In current models, grammar is no longer treated as an isolated academic concept but
rather as the structural baseline for coherent and clearly understood communication, especially in high-
stakes professional and academic settings (Allehyani,2026). Therefore, this change feels like a kind of
return to structural rigor, even if it is framed dierently. It acknowledges that being able to handle
complex social and technical situations is tightly bound to a learner’s control of grammatical systems.
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Recent empirical data on linguistic precision further validate the necessity of this structural anchor.
Studies have identied a strong and signicant positive correlation (r = .846) between grammatical
mastery and oral performance, conrming that high-level speaking skills are fundamentally rooted in
grammatical depth (Zam et al., 2025). Consequently, the “myth” that CLT must exclude formal gram-
mar has been exposed by research favoring Form-Focused Instruction (FFI). This method integrates
explicit metalinguistic teaching into communicative tasks, ensuring that learners move beyond “shal-
low” uency toward a more sophisticated and accurate command of the language (Akyel,2000;Rama
&Agulló,2012). Beyond mere performance, grammar is central to the development of metalinguis-
tic awareness, a key component of self-determined learning. Novel research suggests that for learners
to successfully manage their own multilingual development, they must possess a deep and conscious
understanding of how grammatical rules function across dierent linguistic systems (MDPI,2026). By
prioritizing this awareness, contemporary methods empower students to become active architects of
their discourse. This holistic integration of form and function proves that English language instruction
has returned to its previous state of valuing grammar as an essential and foundational component of
the current teaching repertoire.
Contemporary Pedagogical Shifts
The modern landscape of ELT has gone through this sophisticated kind of change, moving beyond
that old twofold debate of “grammar versus communication.” It feels like more of an evolution toward
integrated accuracy, where grammatical rigor is not just a step back into antiquated rote memorization
but a strategic reinforcement of communicative intent. Research indicates that students who engage
in explicit grammatical instruction consistently outperform those in purely meaning-based programs
across listening, speaking, and discourse assessments (Spada,2008). When educators embed structure
within meaningful contexts, uency is supported by a linguistic framework instead of being stuck at
“shallow” expression.
This pedagogical pivot is dened as a fundamental change in the structuring of classroom roles and
goals, compared to historical methods. While conventional grammar instruction focuses on the internal
competence of rules through isolated drills and passive reception, the contemporary communicative
grammar model prioritizes real-world performance and the application of form during interaction. In
this modern setting, instruction is characterized by FFI, which is embedded within communicative
tasks. This redenes the learner’s role from a passive recipient to an active co-creator equipped with
metalinguistic awareness, allowing them to navigate complex linguistic choices dynamically, rather
than relying on static and memorized patterns.
Ultimately, a consensus has emerged among linguists that grammatical knowledge serves as a “basic el-
ement” and a fundamental pillar of the language-learning process. Without this structural scaolding,
learners encounter a “plateau” eect, where they struggle to transfer complex ideas into coherent spo-
ken or written forms (Zam et al., 2025). By repositioning grammar as an essential component of current
teaching methods, the eld has returned to a state of structural balance, ensuring that communicative
output is uent and accurate.
3 MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 Design of the Study
The researchers adopted a descriptive research approach because the primary aim of the study was to
observe, describe, and document the existing state of CGI and the learning process in the study area
without manipulating variables. Descriptive research is particularly suitable for providing an accurate
and systematic portrayal of classroom practices, teacher strategies, and learners’ responses within their
natural settings (Best &Kahn,2016). This study aimed to represent CGI execution in schools through
classroom research, excluding experimental designs and correlational research methods that study how
dierent factors interact. The researchers used their approach to collect qualitative and quantitative data
through three methods: observing classrooms, distributing questionnaires, and conducting interviews
to create a complete understanding of teaching methods and student participation and the challenges of
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CGI implementation, which manual methods cannot assess and statistical methods cannot completely
determine.
3.2 Participants and Sampling Techniques
Five English teachers and 124 Grade 10 students from Bule Hora University Community and Bariso
Dukale Secondary Schools participated in the study. The research was conducted in these two schools,
which are among the four secondary schools in Bule Hora Town. The schools were selected using
purposive sampling because of their accessibility, as well as considerations of time, cost, and available
resources. This sampling technique enabled the researchers to conduct the study eciently and feasibly
while addressing the research objectives. The proximity and manageability of these schools made them
suitable sites for examining the application of CGI in a real-world classroom context.
A simple random sampling technique was employed to select the student participants. From a total
of 344 Grade 10 students (40 from Bule Hora University Community Secondary School and 304 from
Bariso Dukale Secondary School), a sample of 124 students was drawn from seven sections: one section
from the Bule Hora University Community Secondary School and six sections from Bariso Dukale Sec-
ondary School. Regarding teachers, ve English language teachers (from both schools) were included
using comprehensive sampling. This approach ensured that all available English teachers in schools
contributed to the study.
3.3 Data Collection Instruments
To ensure the delity of the study, a range of data collection instruments, including questionnaires,
classroom observations, and interviews, were employed. The use of multiple instruments allows for
triangulation, which enhances the overall validity of the ndings by cross-checking data obtained from
dierent sources (Meydan &Akkas,2024). Each instrument was carefully designed and aligned with
the research objectives to ensure that it measured what it was intended to.
3.3.1 Questionnaire
The primary instrument employed in this study was a questionnaire that was meticulously designed
to align with the research objectives. The instrument comprised both closed- and open-ended ques-
tions. The close-ended items utilized a Likert scale format, oering ve response options: “Strongly
agree,” “Agree,” “Neutral,” “Disagree,” and “Strongly disagree.” Likert scales are widely recognized
for their ecacy in measuring attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors, providing quantitative data that
facilitate statistical analysis (South,2022). Conversely, the open-ended questions invited participants
to provide more detailed insights into their experiences with grammar learning. Open-ended ques-
tions are invaluable in educational research because they elicit rich qualitative data that can uncover a
deeper understanding and nuances of student experiences. Responses to these open-ended questions
were systematically reviewed to identify recurring themes or patterns, which were categorized accord-
ingly. The frequency of each response was analyzed, and these qualitative ndings were compared
with the quantitative results from the closed-ended questions to oer a comprehensive understanding
of students’ perceptions of the classroom. The questionnaire, consisting of 14 items, was administered
to 124 students. Of the 124 students, 120 completed and returned questionnaires.
3.3.2 Observation
For the documentation of the observational phase, the lead researcher conducted eight non-participatory
classroom observations. These sessions were spread across four Grade 10 sections in two schools; thus,
the process provided repeated, steady data through a more systematic way that actually used a struc-
tured checklist. centered on classroom behaviors, learner interactions, and particular pedagogical tasks.
The main aim was to check and triangulate what was reported by students in the questionnaires so that
the results would remain reliable and valid (Santos,2020). Since the researcher was a non-participant,
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it was possible to document, in a rather impartial manner, how the teachers delivered lessons and the
students involved in the learning process, especially when cross-referencing the students’ accounts of
teaching approaches (Cents-Boonstra et al., 2021). Finally, a comparison between the researcher’s ob-
servations and the participants’ responses made the results comprehensive.
3.3.3 Interview
The primary source of interview data in this study was teachers, as they are directly responsible for
implementing CGI in the classroom. The interviews focused on teachers’ understanding and applica-
tion of CGI, providing insights into their knowledge of the methodology and its practical implemen-
tation. Teachers were asked about their grasp of CGI principles, techniques, and benets, as well as
how they integrated grammar instruction into communicative contexts, including lesson planning and
classroom activities. Additionally, the interviews explored factors inuencing their practice, such as
training, resources, curriculum constraints, and perceptions of students learning. Using interviews as
a data collection method is particularly important because it allows researchers to capture in-depth nu-
anced perspectives that cannot be fully obtained through questionnaires or observations alone (Osborne
&Grant-Smith,2021). Interviews provide rich qualitative data, enabling researchers to understand the
reasoning, attitudes, and experiences behind teachers’ instructional choices (Olafson et al., 2014). More-
over, teacher interviews facilitate the identication of challenges and contextual factors that aect the
implementation of CGI, supporting data triangulation when combined with observations and ques-
tionnaires. Therefore, interviews are an essential method for gaining a comprehensive understanding
of how communicative grammar teaching operates in practice.
3.4 Fidelity of the Instruments
The research instruments achieved validity through their design process, which involved expert eval-
uation and pretesting procedures. The research questions served as the foundation for developing the
questionnaire items, for which CGI-related literature provided the necessary information. English lan-
guage teaching and educational research experts assessed the instrument to determine its clarity, rele-
vance, and appropriateness, which resulted in improving unclear content and removing unnecessary
elements. The pilot test demonstrated that the questionnaire items achieved their purpose by making
the questions understandable to participants who shared similarities with the target population. The
observation checklist used CGI indicators, which included learner interaction, communicative activ-
ities, and contextualized grammar use, to establish assessment standards that minimized bias while
creating reliable results. The interview guide achieved validity through its semi-structured questions,
which directly measured the research objectives, and the probing techniques, which collected detailed
participant answers that showed their real-life experiences and thoughts about their experiences (Co-
hen et al., 2018;Creswell,2014).
In addition, the researchers established instrument reliability through their use of consistent data col-
lection methods, which produced dependable results. The researchers conducted a pilot study to test
the questionnaire’s reliability, which measured internal consistency using Cronbach’s alpha. The re-
searchers revised the content of the questionnaire because its items failed to demonstrate a proper con-
nection. The researchers used standardized instructions and uniform administration procedures, which
helped reduce measurement errors and improve the consistency of the test results. The researchers es-
tablished instrument reliability through the implementation of a standardized checklist, which they
used to conduct multiple observations that tracked behavioral changes throughout dierent lessons.
The researchers used peer and supervisor observation record reviews to minimize observer bias during
their study. The research team used a standardized interview guide with all participants and recorded
audio of their sessions to create accurate transcriptions and interpretations. The research team used
combined strategies that enhanced both the quantitative and qualitative data reliability according to
established methodological recommendations (Cohen et al., 2018;Kothari,2004).
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3.5 Data Collection Procedure
Once the study site was chosen (Bule Hora University Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools),
pending a letter of support from Bule Hora University’s postgraduate oce, the data collection proce-
dure involved the following steps: First, informed consent was obtained from participating teachers
and students in the selected schools. Subsequently, the participants received a clear explanation of
the study’s purpose and detailed instructions on how to complete the questionnaires. Next, gram-
mar lessons in a few chosen sections from both schools were observed using a prepared observation
checklist. Subsequently, the questionnaires were administered to the students. After the participants
completed the questionnaires, the researchers collected the completed forms. To further cross-check
the study, the researchers conducted interviews with teachers. Finally, upon completion of the data
collection phase, they proceeded to examine and interpret the gathered information.
3.6 Data Analysis Methods
The analysis of the collected data integrated quantitative and qualitative approaches to achieve a com-
prehensive understanding by combining measurable trends with in-depth insights. On the quantitative
side, descriptive statistical methods were employed to interpret the numerical data obtained primarily
from the closed-ended items of the student questionnaires. Frequencies and percentages were used to
describe response distributions, with percentages calculated using the formula: percentage =F
N100.
To further examine overall response tendencies, mean scores were computed based on a ve-point Lik-
ert scale using the formula: Mean =(f x)
N. These statistical techniques are widely recognized for their
eectiveness in organizing and presenting survey data in educational research (Creswell &Creswell,
2018;Field,2013).
Qualitative methods were also applied to explore the descriptive data gathered from open-ended items.
This involved a systematic process of reviewing and coding student responses to identify recurring
themes, patterns and meaningful insights related to their grammar learning experiences. Qualitative
analysis allowed for an interpretation of students’ perspectives, complementing the numerical ndings
and enhancing the validity of the study through methodological triangulation (Braun &Clarke,2006;
Denzin,2012).
3.7 Ethical Considerations
This study involved human participants and strictly adhered to ethical principles to protect their rights,
dignity, and well-being. Before data collection, the researchers conducted a brieng outlining the
study’s objectives, procedures, and potential risks and benets, allowing the participants to ask ques-
tions and provide informed consent. To ensure privacy and anonymity, all identifying information
was removed and replaced with coded labels, and the data were securely stored with access limited
to the researchers. The study was approved by the institutional ethics committee and complied with
the established educational research standards. Throughout the process, the researchers maintained
transparency, respect, and fairness, and the ndings were reported in a way that preserved participant
condentiality while being shared with the schools to support decision-making and future improve-
ments, thereby enhancing the study’s credibility.
4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
4.1 Students’ Questionnaire Results
To assess the eectiveness with which teachers applied CGI, a questionnaire consisting of 14 items was
administered to 124 students. Of the distributed questionnaires, 120 out of 124 (97%) were completed,
returned, and included in the nal analysis, providing reliable results.
Table 1reveals that students stated that their teachers explained grammar to enhance communication,
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Table 1: Students’ Feedback about the Practices of Communicative Grammar Instruction
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
My teacher explains grammar in
a way that helps us to communi-
cate better.
Strongly disagree 21 17.5
3.28
Disagree 24 20
Neutral 16 13.3
Agree 19 15.8
Strongly agree 40 33.3
Total 120 100
with responses distributed across ve categories and summarized by a mean score of 3.28, with 120
respondents participating. The largest proportion of students, 33.3% (n=40), “Strongly agree” that
their teacher’s grammar instruction aids in communication, suggesting a signicant level of satisfaction.
Meanwhile, 15.8% (n=19) “Agree”, and 13.3% (n=16) remained “Neutral,” indicating a mix of arma-
tion and indierence. However, a notable portion expressed dissatisfaction: 20% (n=24) “Disagree”
and 17.5% (n=21) “Strongly disagree,” accounting for a combined 37.5% who did not nd the teaching
approach benecial for communication skills. The mean score of 3.28, slightly above the neutral mid-
point of 3.00, indicates a moderate overall agreement but also highlights some division in opinion, with
a lean toward positive perceptions and a signicant contingent of dissenting views. This suggests that
while a plurality of students recognize the communicative value of grammar instruction, a meaningful
portion of students’ responses indicate room for pedagogical improvement.
Table 2: Students’ Remarks about the Real-Life Grammar Use
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
…
Strongly disagree 16 13.3
3.49
Disagree 14 11.6
Neutral 23 19.16
Agree 29 24.16
Strongly agree 38 31.6
Total 120 100
Table 2reects students’ remarks regarding “My teacher focuses on using grammar in real-life situa-
tions,” based on the responses of 120 participants. The majority of students responded positively: 31.6%
(n=38) “Strongly agree” and 24.16% (n=29) “Agree,” totaling 55.76% who support the notion that their
teacher emphasizes practical grammar application. “Neutral” responses accounted for 19.16% (n=23),
suggesting moderate uncertainty. On the other hand, a smaller portion expressed disagreement, with
13.3% (n=16) “Strongly disagree” and 11.6% (n=14) “Disagree,” making up a combined 24.9% who do
not perceive a strong real-life focus in grammar teaching. The calculated mean score of approximately
3.49 indicates an overall favorable assessment that is clearly above the neutral midpoint of 3.00 on the
Likert scale, reinforcing the conclusion that students generally believe their teacher links grammar in-
struction to real-life contexts. However, the presence of both neutral and disagreeing responses suggests
that while the majority is positively inclined, there may be variability in the consistency or perception
of this teaching method. Hence, the results indicate that most students recognize and appreciate their
teachers’ eorts to make grammar instruction relevant to real-life communication.
Table 3: Students’ Statements about Their Teacher’s Ability to Teach Grammar Communicatively
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
I believe that my teacher under-
stands how to teach grammar for
communication.
Strongly disagree 18 15
3.45
Disagree 20 16.7
Neutral 11 9.2
Agree 32 26.7
Strongly agree 39 32.5
Total 120 100
Table 3presents students’ statements, “I believe my teacher understands how to teach grammar for
communication,” based on the responses of 120 participants. The majority of students expressed a
positive view: 32.5% (n=39) “Strongly agree” and 26.7% (n=32) “Agree,” totaling 59.2% who armed
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their teacher’s competence in this area. This strong endorsement suggests that more than half of the
students perceived their teachers as eectively facilitating grammar instruction in a communicative
context. Meanwhile, 9.2% (n=11) responded “Neutral,” reecting a small portion of students who nei-
ther agreed nor disagreed. On the other end, 16.7% (n=20) “Disagree” and 15% (n=18) “Strongly dis-
agree,” indicating that nearly a third (31.7%) of the respondents held some level of skepticism about the
teacher’s ability to teach grammar for communication. The overall mean score of 3.45, above the neu-
tral midpoint of 3.00, suggests a generally favorable view, although the presence of a notable dissenting
minority indicates some variability in students’ experiences or expectations. Thus, the data reect a
generally positive perception of the teacher’s grammar instruction, with a solid majority of students
recognizing communicative competence, while a smaller but notable portion remains unconvinced.
Table 4: Students’ Remarks about Teachers Balancing Grammar Rules and Communicative Use
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
My teacher focuses on grammar
rules and how to use them in
speech and writing.
Strongly disagree 26 21.6
2.9
Disagree 27 22.5
Neutral 24 20
Agree 19 15.8
Strongly agree 24 20
Total 120 100
Table 4presents students’ responses to the statement “My teacher not only focuses on grammar rules,
but also on how to use them in speech and writing,” based on 120 participants. The data show a divided
set of perceptions, with a slight inclination toward disagreement. Specically, 22.5% (n=27) “Disagree”
and 21.6% (n=26) “Strongly disagree,” together making up 44.1% of respondents who do not believe that
their teacher integrates grammar instruction into practical communication contexts. Meanwhile, 20%
(n=24) were “Neutral,” indicating that a signicant portion of students neither conrmed nor denied
the statement. On the positive side, 15.8% (n=19) “Agree” and 20% (n=24) “Strongly agree,” summing
to 35.8% who felt that their teacher does go beyond grammar rules to focus on usage in speech and
writing. The mean score of 2.9 fell below the neutral midpoint of 3.0, suggesting a mild tendency toward
disagreement among the students. This indicates that while some students recognize the eorts to make
grammar instruction communicative, a larger proportion either do not perceive these eorts clearly or
feel that they are insucient. Therefore, students are somewhat divided, but the data suggest that
many do not see their teachers emphasizing the practical use of grammar in communication.
Table 5: Students’ Statements about Grammar Lessons’ Relevance to Daily Language Use
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
Grammar lessons are connected
to our daily language use.
Strongly disagree 6 5
3.79
Disagree 10 8.3
Neutral 28 23.3
Agree 35 29.2
Strongly agree 41 34.2
Total 120 100
Table 5presents student responses to “Grammar lessons are connected to our daily language use,” based
on feedback from 120 participants. A clear majority of students expressed a positive view: 34.2% (n=41)
“Strongly agree” and 29.2% (n=35) “Agree,” totaling 63.4% who armed that lessons were meaningfully
tied to everyday communication. Meanwhile, 23.3% (n=28) responded “Neutral,” indicating that nearly
a quarter of the students were uncertain or perceived a moderate connection. Only a small minority
expressed disagreement, with 8.3% (n=10) “Disagree” and 5% (n=6) “Strongly disagreeing,” together
accounting for just 13.3% of the responses. The calculated mean score of 3.79 was well above the neutral
midpoint of 3.00 on the Likert scale, indicating a generally favorable perception. This suggests that most
students recognize their teachers’ eorts to make grammar instruction relevant to real-life language use.
The results reect strong student agreement that grammar teaching is practical and applicable to their
everyday communication, with very limited opposition.
Table 6reects student responses to the statement “We often do speaking activities that help us prac-
tice grammar,” based on feedback from 120 participants. The distribution reveals a somewhat divided
perception among students, although it is slightly positive overall. A combined 44.16% of students
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Table 6: Students’ Statements about How Often Speaking Activities Support Grammar Practice
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
We often engage in speaking
activities that help us practice
grammar.
Strongly disagree 23 19.16
3.08
Disagree 27 22.5
Neutral 17 14.16
Agree 24 20
Strongly agree 29 24.16
Total 120 100
“Agree” (20%) or “Strongly agree” (24.16%) that speaking activities are regularly used to reinforce gram-
mar learning, suggesting that nearly half of the students recognize the practical, communicative use of
grammar in class. Meanwhile, a signicant proportion, 41.66%, “Disagree” (22.5%) or “Strongly dis-
agree” (19.16%), indicating that many students feel these activities are either insucient or infrequent.
Additionally, 14.16% of students remained “neutral,” possibly reecting uncertainty or variability in
their classroom experiences. The overall mean score of 3.08 was just above the neutral midpoint of 3.00,
indicating a mild tendency toward agreement. This suggests that while many students acknowledge
the use of speaking activities for grammar practice, a notable portion of the class does not fully share
this view, pointing to inconsistencies in how these activities are applied or perceived.
Table 7: Students’ Statements about Group and Pair Work for Grammar Instruction
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
Our teacher uses group or pair
work to teach grammar
Strongly disagree 9 7.5
3.65
Disagree 10 8.3
Neutral 30 25
Agree 36 30
Strongly agree 35 29.16
Total 120 100
Table 7reects student responses to “Our teacher uses group or pair work to teach grammar,” with 120
respondents. A majority of students agreed to some degree, with 36 students (30%) “Agree,” and 35 stu-
dents (29.16%), “Strongly agree,” making up nearly 60% of the total responses. A signicant minority
were “Neutral,” with 30 students (25%) neither agreeing nor disagreeing with the statement. Mean-
while, 10 students (8.3%) “Disagree,” and 9 students (7.5%), “Strongly disagree,” together represent
about 15.8% of the responses. The mean score of 3.65, which is slightly above the neutral point, sug-
gests that students tend to agree that the teacher employs group or pair work in grammar instruction,
indicating a generally positive perception of collaborative learning in grammar lessons. This highlights
the main point that most students recognize and appreciate the use of collaborative methods in gram-
mar instruction in the classroom.
Table 8: Students’ Evaluations about Grammar Use in Writing and Storytelling Activities
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
We use grammar for writing or
storytelling exercises.
Strongly disagree 25 20.8
3.01
Disagree 23 19.2
Neutral 22 18.3
Agree 26 21.6
Strongly agree 24 20
Total 120 100
Table 8shows that 120 respondents evaluated the item “We use grammar in writing or storytelling
exercises,” and the responses were evenly distributed across all the categories. A combined 40% of
participants “Disagree” or “Strongly disagree” (20.8% and 19.2%, respectively), indicating that a sig-
nicant portion of students do not perceive grammar being applied in writing or storytelling tasks.
Meanwhile, 41.6% “Agree” or “Strongly agree” (21.6% and 20%), suggesting that a slightly larger, but
still comparable, group recognizes such integration. About 18.3% remained “Neutral.” The mean score
of 3.01, which is close to the neutral midpoint, implies that there was no strong agreement or disagree-
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ment among the participants. This suggests that the integration of grammar into writing or storytelling
exercises is inconsistent or unclear and may vary depending on the teacher or lesson context. Hence,
the responses reect a balanced view regarding the use of grammar in writing or storytelling, with a
mean (3.01) suggesting a neutral stance. This indicates an inconsistency in the practical application of
grammar in these contexts.
Table 9: Students’ Remarks on Activity-Based Grammar Instruction
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
Grammar is taught through ac-
tivities, not only through exer-
cises and drills.
Strongly disagree 19 15.8
3.48
Disagree 16 13.3
Neutral 12 10
Agree 35 29.2
Strongly agree 38 31.6
Total 120 100
Table 9reects the students’ responses to the statement “Grammar is taught through activities, not only
through exercises and drills,” with 120 participants. The distribution shows that most students held a
favorable view of activity-based grammar instruction. Specically, 35 students (29.2%) “Agree” and
38 students (31.6%) “Strongly agree,” totaling 73 students (60.8%) responded positively to this item.
On the other hand, a smaller portion of students expressed disagreement, with 19 students (15.8%)
“Strongly disagree” and 16 students (13.3%) “Disagree,” combining to 29.1%. Meanwhile, 12 students
(10%) remained “Neutral.” The calculated mean of 3.48, which is above the neutral midpoint on a 5-
point Likert scale, indicates that the students generally agree that grammar teaching involves engaging
activities beyond traditional drills and exercises. This suggests that students perceive a more interactive
and varied approach to grammar instruction in their classroom experience.
Table 10: Students’ Statements about the Opportunities to Use Learned Grammar in Speaking
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
I get a chance to speak English
using the grammar that I have
learned in class.
Strongly disagree 15 12.5
3.48
Disagree 19 15.8
Neutral 17 14.2
Agree 32 26.6
Strongly agree 37 30.8
Total 120 100
Table 10 illustrates the responses to the statement “I get a chance to speak English using grammar we
learned in class,” with 120 participants. The distribution of responses indicates a positive perception
among students regarding opportunities for spoken practice using the learned grammar. Specically,
32 students (26.6%) “Agree,” and 37 students (30.8%) “Strongly agree,” totaling 69 students (57.4%)
who felt that they were given opportunities to apply grammar in spoken English. Meanwhile, 17 stu-
dents (14.2%) responded “Neutral,” possibly indicating uncertainty or inconsistency in their experi-
ences. On the opposing end, 15 students (12.5%) “Strongly disagree,” and 19 students (15.8%) “Dis-
agree,” amounting to 34 students (28.3%) who do not feel they are provided with such opportunities.
The mean score of 3.48, slightly above the neutral midpoint, suggests a modest lean toward agreement.
This implies that while most students perceive a classroom environment that supports speaking ac-
tivities involving grammar, there is still a considerable minority that does not share this experience,
highlighting the need for improvement in making spoken grammar practice consistent across students.
Table 11 presents student responses to the statement “There is enough time in class to practice gram-
mar in real communication,” based on feedback from 120 participants. The distribution of responses
suggests mixed perceptions among the students. A total of 53 students (44.1%) “Agree” to some extent,
with 27 students (22.5%) agreeing and 26 students (21.6%) “Strongly agree,” indicating that nearly half
of the class feels there is sucient time dedicated to applying grammar in meaningful communica-
tion. However, a substantial portion of the students expressed dissatisfaction, with 16 students (13.3%)
“Strongly disagree” and 29 students (24.2%) “Disagree,” totaling 45 students (37.5%) who believed that
there was not enough time for such practice. Additionally, 22 students (18.3%) remained “neutral,” pos-
sibly reecting uncertainty or variability in their classroom experiences. The calculated mean of 3.15,
slightly above the neutral midpoint, reveals a mild leaning toward agreement. This suggests that while
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Table 11: Students’ Suggestions about Sucient Class Time for Communicative Grammar Practice
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
There is sucient time in class
to practice grammar in real com-
munication.
Strongly disagree 16 13.3
3.15
Disagree 29 24.2
Neutral 22 18.3
Agree 27 22.5
Strongly agree 26 21.6
Total 120 100
some students recognize time being allocated for communicative grammar use, many others either do
not perceive it consistently or feel that it is insucient, highlighting an area where instructional time
management might be improved to better support grammar practice in real communication.
Table 12: Students’ Remarks about the Class Size and Participation in Grammar Activities
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
There was an adequate class
size to practice communicative
grammar activities.
Strongly disagree 12 10
3.35
Disagree 25 20.8
Neutral 26 21.6
Agree 23 19.2
Strongly agree 34 28.3
Total 120 100
Table 12 presents student responses to the statement “There is enough class size to practice commu-
nicative grammar activities,” with input from 120 students. The distribution of responses revealed a
generally positive, but varied, perception among students. A total of 57 students (47.5%) expressed
“Agree,” with 23 students (19.2%) “Agree,” and 34 students (28.3%) “Strongly agree,” indicating that
nearly half of the respondents remarked that sucient class size is allowed for communicative gram-
mar practice. Meanwhile, 26 students (21.6%) selected the “Neutral” option, suggesting that a notable
portion of students were unsure about the class size as neither sucient nor insucient. On the other
hand, 12 students (10%) “Strongly disagree” and 25 students (20.8%) “Disagree,” making up 37 stu-
dents (30.8%) who felt that there was not enough class size. The mean score of 3.35, above the neutral
midpoint, reects a modest agreement, implying that while students recognize class size being pro-
vided for using grammar in communication, the experience may not be consistent for all, pointing to
an opportunity for teachers to further enhance or clarify such practices in the classroom.
Table 13: Students’ Anxiety about Using Grammar in Speaking
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
Sometimes, I feel shy or afraid to
use grammar in speaking.
Strongly disagree 10 8.3
3.83
Disagree 9 7.5
Neutral 18 15
Agree 37 30.8
Strongly agree 46 38.3
Total 120 100
Table 13 represents student responses to the statement “Sometimes I feel shy or afraid to use grammar
in speaking,” based on the feedback from 120 participants. The results indicate a clear trend toward
agreement, with a combined 83 students (69.1%) either “Agree” (37 students, 30.8%) or “Strongly agree”
(46 students, 38.3%), suggesting that a signicant majority of students experience some level of anxiety
or hesitation when using grammar in spoken English. Meanwhile, 18 students (15%) responded “Neu-
tral,” which may reect varying experiences of the respondents. On the other end of the scale, only 10
students (8.3%) “Strongly disagree” and 9 students (7.5%) “Disagree,” totaling 15.8%, do not share this
feeling of shyness or fear when speaking English. The mean score of 3.83, well above the neutral point,
reinforces the conclusion that many students feel self-conscious or anxious about applying grammar in
speaking situations.
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Table 14: Students’ Desire for More Activities to Enhance Grammar Use in Speaking and Writing
Statement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean
I want more activities to help me
use grammar when speaking or
writing.
Strongly disagree 6 5
3.54
Disagree 26 21.6
Neutral 23 19.2
Agree 27 22.5
Strongly agree 38 31.6
Total 120 100
Table 14 presents student responses to the statement “I want more activities to help me use grammar
when I speak or write,” based on 120 students. The results show a clear inclination toward agree-
ment, with 27 students (22.5%) “Agree” and 38 students (31.6%) “Strongly agree.” Together, 65 students
(54.1%) expressed a desire for more grammar-integrated activities in speaking and writing, indicating
that more than half of the class saw value in further practical engagement with grammar. Meanwhile,
23 students (19.2%) selected “Neutral,” suggesting some uncertainty or ambivalence toward the current
level of grammar-focused activities in their classes. On the other hand, 26 students (21.6%) “Disagree”
and only 6 students (5%) “Strongly disagree,” totaling 26.6% who do not feel the need for more such
activities. The calculated mean of 3.54, which is above the neutral midpoint on a 5-point Likert scale,
reects a general trend of agreement.
4.2 Classroom Observations Results
Table 15: Teachers’ Educational Background
Teachers Gender Qualication TEFL Experience Secondary School
Teaching Experience
Teacher 1 Female BA in English 10 5
Teacher 2 Male MA in TEFL 18 10
Teacher 3 Male MA in TEFL 9 4
Teacher 4 Male BA in English 6 2
Table 15 shows that among the four teachers observed, there was variation in qualications and teaching
experience. Three of the teachers were male, and one was female. Two teachers (Teachers 2 and 3) hold
Master’s degrees in TEFL, while the other two (Teachers 1 and 4) have Bachelor’s degrees in English.
Teacher 2 stands out as the most experienced, with 18 years of TEFL experience and 10 years of teaching
at the secondary level, suggesting a strong theoretical and practical foundation. Teacher 3 also had an
academic background with nine years of TEFL experience and four years at the secondary level. In
contrast, Teacher 4 was the least experienced, with only six years in TEFL and two years in secondary
teaching, which may have aected her ability to implement advanced instructional strategies. Teacher
1, the only female, has 10 years of TEFL experience and 5 years in secondary education, indicating
moderate experience but only undergraduate-level qualications.
4.2.1 First Round Observation Results
The analysis of the rst round of classroom observation (1st RCO) revealed both strengths and areas
needing improvement in the teacher’s application of CGI. Strong implementation was observed in sev-
eral areas of the study. The teacher consistently presented grammar through contextualized activities
(4 “Yes”), which aligns with CLT principles that emphasize teaching grammar in meaningful contexts
to enhance communicative competence. Group and pair work were regularly encouraged (4 “Yes”),
supporting the idea that collaborative activities foster interaction and negotiation of meaning, which
are central to eective language learning. Grammar instruction was also integrated across all language
skills (4 “Yes”), reecting the holistic approach advocated in CLT, where grammar is taught as part of
communicative tasks rather than in isolation. Role-play and simulation activities were used eectively
(3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), with research showing that such activities can enhance learners’ engagement
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Table 16: Summary of Classroom Observations
Checklist Items
1st RCO 2nd RCO Total Frequency
Yes No Yes No Yes No
No. % No. %
The teacher presents grammar
through contextualized activities 4 - 3 1 7 87.5 1 12.5
The teacher organizes role-play and
simulation activities 3 1 4 - 7 87.5 1 12.5
The teacher facilitates information
gap tasks 2 2 3 1 5 62.5 3 37.5
The teacher encourages group and
pair work 4 - 4 - 8 100 - 0
The teacher incorporates grammar
games - 4 2 2 2 25 6 75
The teacher implements task-based
language teaching (TBLT) 2 2 3 1 5 62.5 3 37.5
The teacher provides error correction
during communicative activities 3 1 4 - 7 87.5 1 12.5
The teacher assigns personalized
speaking and writing tasks - 4 2 2 2 25 6 75
The teacher uses multimedia re-
sources - 4 - 4 - 0 8 100
The teacher integrates grammar
instruction into all language skills
lessons
4 - 3 1 7 87.5 1 12.5
and practical use of grammar. Additionally, the teacher provided timely error correction during com-
municative tasks (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), supporting the ndings that immediate feedback aids in the
internalization of grammatical structures.
Despite its strengths, the components of the CGI were inconsistent. Information gap tasks and TBLT
were only partially implemented (2 “Yes” and 2 “No”), indicating a need for more consistent use of
these techniques to promote meaningful communication and grammatical accuracy in the classroom.
Grammar games were not used at all (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), although research indicates that games
provide a fun and engaging way to practice grammar. Similarly, personalized speaking and writing
tasks were absent (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), even though such tasks have been shown to increase student
motivation and facilitate the application of grammar in real-life contexts. The teacher also did not use
multimedia resources (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), despite evidence that multimedia can enhance grammar
instruction by providing visual and auditory support for learning. These gaps suggest the need for a
more dynamic, learner-centered approach that incorporates interactive and authentic materials to in-
crease students’ engagement, motivation, and communicative competence. This analysis situates the
ndings within the broader context of current research on communicative grammar instruction, high-
lighting both eective practices and areas for improvement.
4.2.2 Second Round Observation Results
The analysis of the second round of classroom observation (2nd RCO) shows noticeable improvements
in several aspects of CGI compared to the rst round. The teacher demonstrated consistent strength in
organizing role-play and simulation activities (4 “Yes”), encouraging group and pair work (4 “Yes”),
and providing error correction during communicative tasks (4 “Yes”), highlighting a solid emphasis
on interaction and uency development, which are essential components of communicative language
teaching (Hemnani,2023). There was also progress in implementing TBLT, with three “Yes” and only 1
“No”, and a similar improvement in facilitating information gap tasks (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), suggesting
a growing eort to integrate meaningful communication and real-life language use in classroom prac-
tice. Despite these gains, some areas remain underdeveloped. While grammar games and personalized
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speaking/writing tasks were introduced (2 “Yes” and 2 “No” for both), their limited use indicates that
these strategies are not yet fully embedded, even though research shows that such activities enhance
learner motivation and promote the practical application of grammar in real contexts (Kizi,2024). Mul-
timedia resources continued to be completely absent (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), reecting a persistent gap in
providing multimodal input to support varied learning styles (Peckham,2020). Additionally, there was
a slight decline in integrating grammar across all language skills (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”) and in presenting
grammar through contextualized activities (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), indicating an occasional inconsistency
in foundational practices. To further strengthen CGI, teachers should aim to fully incorporate person-
alized, interactive, and multimedia-based activities while maintaining consistent contextualized and
skills-integrated grammar teaching, which research suggests is crucial for developing both accuracy
and communicative competence (Sevy-Biloon,2018).
4.2.3 Observational Data Presentations
The classroom observation results from Bule Hora University Community and Bariso Dukale Sec-
ondary School revealed a generally positive but inconsistent application of CGI in Grade 10 English
classrooms. Overall, teachers showed a strong inclination toward using communicative strategies, es-
pecially to promote interactive grammar learning. Notably, both observations conrmed that grammar
was consistently presented through contextualized activities (87.5% implementation) and that group
and pair work were fully utilized (100%). These ndings indicate that classrooms prioritize meaning-
ful interactions, aligning with the core principles of CGI. Role-play, simulation activities, and error cor-
rection during communication were frequently observed, with an implementation rate of 87.5%. This
suggests that teachers actively foster realistic language use and guide learners toward accurate gram-
mar application without hindering uency. Similarly, grammar instruction was well integrated into all
language skills lessons (87.5%), showing a commitment to holistic language development rather than
isolated grammar instruction.
Despite these strengths, the observation also identied critical gaps that hindered the realization of
CGI principles. The use of information gap tasks and TBLT was moderate, each applied at a rate of
62.5%, reecting the inconsistent application of student-centered communicative tasks. However, the
minimal or absent use of grammar games (25%), personalized speaking and writing tasks (25%), and
multimedia resources (0%) is concerning. These components are essential for increasing student en-
gagement, enhancing input variety, and fostering personalization, all of which are integral to eective
CGI. Their absence suggests that while teachers are familiar with and apply CGI strategies, they still
rely on conventional or teacher-centered practices in certain areas.
4.3 Teachers’ Interview Data
Four English language teachers from Bule Hora University Community School and Bariso Dukale Sec-
ondary School were interviewed to address Research Question Two (RQ2), which focuses on the prac-
tical implementation of communicative grammar teaching strategies in classrooms. The interviews
complemented the data collected through the questionnaires and classroom observations, ensuring the
reliability, consistency, and accuracy of the ndings. By analyzing the teachers’ perspectives, the re-
searchers were able to verify the information and gain a deeper understanding of how CGI is applied
in real-world classroom contexts. The interview responses were systematically summarized and ana-
lyzed to highlight the patterns, successes, and challenges of the practical application of CGI.
The teacher interviews oered rich insights into their understanding of communicative grammar teach-
ing. When asked about their approach, all teachers emphasized that grammar should be taught within
meaningful communication rather than in isolation. They stressed the importance of connecting gram-
matical structures to authentic real-life situations, such as conversations, role-plays, debates, and read-
ing or writing tasks that mirror everyday communication. They noted that this approach helps students
develop both accuracy and uency simultaneously. By embedding grammar instruction in practical
contexts, students can apply structures meaningfully, making learning more engaging, memorable,
and relevant to their everyday language use.
Regarding professional training, all respondents reported having received instruction in communica-
tive approaches to grammar, either during their initial teacher education, TEFL certication programs,
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or through professional development and online courses. This training equipped them to design student-
centered, interactive lessons that balanced form-focused instruction and communicative practice. The
teachers highlighted that linking grammar to real-life communication builds learners’ condence and
promotes active language use. It allows students to internalize grammatical structures naturally rather
than relying solely on rote memorization, fostering a deeper understanding and longer-lasting reten-
tion.
In describing their classroom practices, teachers explained that they used a combination of inductive
and deductive teaching methods depending on students’ prociency levels. Grammar is often intro-
duced within real-life contexts, followed by guided activities where students notice patterns and prac-
tice them through pair work, group tasks, discussions, and role-plays. Speaking and writing exercises,
such as class interviews, surveys, and creative storytelling, were consistently used to provide meaning-
ful opportunities for applying grammar rules. Teachers observed that students responded positively
to these communicative strategies, demonstrating increased motivation, engagement, and condence,
while experiencing lower anxiety levels when using the language in context.
Despite these successes, teachers acknowledged several challenges in fully implementing CGI. Large
class sizes, limited instructional time, insucient resources, and rigid curricular demands have been
cited as major constraints. They also mentioned diculties in balancing accuracy and uency, sup-
porting shy or reluctant learners, and preparing authentic, communicative materials. To address these
challenges, teachers suggested ongoing professional development, access to multimedia and authentic
materials, smaller class sizes, exible lesson schedules, and collaboration with colleagues as potential
solutions. They emphasized that these supports could enhance student engagement, promote inter-
active learning, and allow for more eective integration of communicative grammar instruction in the
classroom.
4.4 Discussions
The results obtained from the questionnaires, classroom observations, and teacher interviews created
an understanding of how CGI operates in educational institutions. Students who experienced CGI in-
struction demonstrated improved uency, greater variety in their syntactic choices, and an enhanced
ability to self-correct during interaction. Research shows that communicative methods help learners use
language eectively while developing their ability to interact with others (Ellis,2003;Larsen-Freeman,
2003). The research results of Tudini (2018) show that students who learn through CGI acquire grammar
skills for real-time communication tasks better than they do through traditional form-focused instruc-
tion. The study showed that CGI improves speaking accuracy for immediate communication needs, but
its eects on grammar skill retention and formal assessment results require further research (Norris &
Ortega,2000).
Teachers demonstrated foundational insight into CGI principles, particularly the importance of teach-
ing grammar through authentic communication. This awareness supports students’ ability to acquire
language skills in meaningful contexts (Richards &Rodgers,2001). The ndings of this study are con-
sistent with Andrian (2023), who reported that both teachers and students perceive CGI as essential for
preparing learners for future academic and real-world demands, including global communication and
problem solving. However, full implementation remains limited because students are not consistently
provided with sucient opportunities to practice grammar in authentic situations. As one teacher
noted, “The communicative approach focuses on teaching grammar through meaningful communica-
tion,” reinforcing the principle that grammar should not be taught in isolation but rather integrated
into communicative activities (Long,1991).
Although teachers possess theoretical knowledge of CGI, their depth of understanding and classroom
application vary considerably (Kolovou,2023). While some teachers demonstrate a grasp of commu-
nicative principles, others exhibit only a supercial understanding, which aects the consistency and
eectiveness of the implementation. This variation is supported by Schoen (2018), who emphasized the
importance of sustained professional development in enhancing teachers’ pedagogical practices. Sim-
ilarly, studies suggest that without adequate training and support, teachers may struggle to translate
theory into practice, leading to partial or inconsistent implementation of communicative approaches
(Butler,2011;Littlewood,2007). Thus, strengthening teacher training and professional development is
essential to ensure a deeper and more uniform understanding of the CGI methodology among educa-
tors.
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However, the data from observations showed that teachers used CGI in dierent ways throughout their
various classrooms. The rst observation showed that teachers applied contextualized grammar pre-
sentation, collaborative learning, and multiple language skill development. These practices follow CLT
principles, which require teachers to present grammar through authentic contexts so that students can
improve their ability to communicate (Richards &Rodgers,2001). The evidence supports the idea that
interactive communicative teaching methods enable students to acquire language skills while practic-
ing grammatical structures in real-life situations (Ellis,2003;Larsen-Freeman,2003). They show that
teachers apply communicative teaching methods through their eorts to create interaction opportuni-
ties and their use of grammar in natural language contexts.
Despite these strengths, the application of eective CGI systems requires further development to ad-
dress multiple critical components. Teaching methods show insucient engagement with students
through dynamic instructional methods, which should include grammar games, customized speaking
and writing activities, and multimedia materials. Research widely supports the role of interactive tasks
and authentic materials in increasing learner engagement, motivation, and communicative competence
(Nunan,2004;Tomlinson,2011), suggesting that their absence may hinder optimal learning outcomes.
The ndings of this study align with those of teachers who face multiple challenges when trying to
implement CGI because of large class sizes, limited time for communicative activities, and a lack of
access to multimedia resources. Studies have highlighted that these constraints reduce teachers’ ability
to diversify their instructional practices and fully adopt communicative approaches in real classroom
contexts (Butler,2011;Littlewood,2007).
Teachers who understand the value of CGI face diculties with its complete application because their
teaching environment includes too many students, their teaching time is restricted, and their teach-
ing materials are insucient. The challenges educators face in their work mirror research ndings
that show that educational institutions face structural challenges that prevent them from implementing
CLT in their academic programs (Hu,2002;Li,1998). The teachers stated their worries about nding the
correct balance between accurate language use and smooth speech because they believed that students
would develop permanent grammar problems through excessive emphasis on spoken communication.
The research demonstrates that teaching methods should combine form-focused instruction with prac-
tical language use, because this approach creates better learning results (Doughty &Williams,1998;
Long,1991). The development of language uency and accuracy requires educators to maintain an
appropriate balance between teaching communication skills and providing direct grammar training.
Generally, this study proves that while CGI enhances learners’ uency, syntactic variety, and real-time
self-correction capabilities, its pedagogical potential is hampered by a disconnect between theoreti-
cal awareness and classroom execution. Although educators recognize grammar as an essential and
contextualized “shing rod” for competent speech (Wang,2010), inconsistent depth of understanding
and systemic barriers, such as overcrowded classrooms, limited resources, and restricted instructional
time, result in only partial implementation. The ndings suggest that English language instruction has
successfully returned to a model in which grammar is viewed as an indispensable pillar of communi-
cation. However, achieving a perfect balance between uency and accuracy requires sustained profes-
sional development and structural support to ensure eective integration of form-focused instruction
into authentic real-world interactions.
5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusions
This study set out to evaluate the implementation of communicative grammar instruction at the Grade
10 level by examining teachers’ theoretical knowledge, classroom practices, and the challenges aect-
ing its use. The research found that teachers who possess the necessary qualications and demonstrate
adequate theoretical knowledge of CGI fail to apply this knowledge in their teaching practice. Teach-
ers handle grammar teaching through a system that requires students to adhere to rules while they
demonstrate their understanding of grammar and assess students’ ability to create accurate sentences.
Teachers reported using interactive strategies such as pair and group work, but classroom observa-
tions and student responses showed that these techniques had limited application during the grammar
lessons. Teachers faced two major challenges when attempting to deliver context-based CGI because
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they lacked teaching materials. Students developed strong memorization habits because they had few
chances to practice real language skills, which would help them achieve their language competence
goals.
5.2 Recommendations
To optimize CGI ecacy, educators are encouraged to move away from conventional rote memoriza-
tion toward more dynamic and communication-centered approaches, where grammar is treated as a
functional tool rather than a package of rules. The shift involves inductive teaching strategies, which
help students uncover grammatical patterns during meaningful interactions instead of just passively re-
ceiving explanations. Additionally, learners should have an active role in their own progress by doing
practical task-based classroom activities that narrow the distance between what they know theoreti-
cally and what they can actually use in real life. If these pedagogical changes are to last, schools and
other institutions need to tackle the logistical obstacles, such as crowded classrooms and insucient
resources, so that there is an environment that can support the successful implementation of CGI.
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 11 November, 2025
Accepted: 22 February, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Gedamu A.F. and Negash G. (2026). Ethnic
Interactions and Conicts in Maji Awraja and
Surrounding Areas: Historical Insights from
the 1980s to the Present. EthioInquiry
Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences.
Volume 5(1), 2026, 66-78.
https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 66
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Ethnic Interactions and Conflicts in Maji Awraja and Surrounding
Areas: Historical Insights from the 1980s to the Present
Amare Fenta Gedamu 1and Girma Negash 2
1PhD candidate, Department of History Addis Ababa University
2Associate Professor of History, Addis Ababa University
∗Corresponding Author’s email: sench2393@gmail.com
Abstract
This article investigates the conicting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja and its surrounding
areas from the 1980s to the present, aiming to challenge prevailing assumptions about the causes
of ethnic conict. Utilizing a combination of qualitative methods, including interviews and
historical document analysis, data was collected from local informants, government reports, and
scholarly literature. The analysis focused on identifying key contributing factors to the conict,
revealing that the movement of South Sudanese Toposa people into the interior parts of Maji
awraja basically searching for huge fertile and mineral rich (gold) lands, ethnic divisions within
local governance, and ineective governance at multiple levels were more signicant than
traditional explanations like resource competition and raiding. The principal ndings indicate
that political narratives and misrepresentations have obscured the complex realities of ethnic
relationships in the region. The study concludes that attempts to improve interethnic relations
have been largely unsuccessful, with persistent tensions and conicts rooted in historical
grievances and governance failures. It recommends that future conict resolution eorts
prioritize understanding local dynamics and historical contexts while enhancing governance
structures to address the underlying issues eectively. These implications suggest a need
for more nuanced policies that consider the socio-political landscape and historical injustices
impacting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja.
Keywords: conict interaction; conict resolution; ethnic division; government fail-
ures; historical injustices.
1 INTRODUCTION
The ethnic interactions in Maji awraja (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial administra-
tive divisions under the imperial and Derg regimes) its surrounding areas represent a
complex tapestry of historical grievances, cultural dynamics, and socio-political chal-
lenges that have signicantly shaped the region’s contemporary landscape (Abbink,
1993, pp. 675-680).
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 67
Despite Ethiopia’s rich ethnic diversity, since the late 1980s the interplay between various groups, par-
ticularly the Dizi, Surma, and Toposa, has often been characterized by deep ethnic tensions and frequent
violent conicts (Abeje,2000, p. 5). This article examines the complex ethnic interactions and ongoing
conicts in Maji awraja and its surrounding areas, highlighting signicant ndings that emerge from
the historical and socio-political landscape of the region. The study addresses the objectives of uncov-
ering the root causes of ethnic conicts, the geographical dynamics that shape these interactions, and
the implications of governance failures in mitigating tensions. This study seeks to illuminate the un-
derlying causes of these conicts, moving beyond traditional narratives that emphasize cattle raiding
and cultural dierences.
Maji awraja, situated in the southwestern region of Ethiopia, exhibits a rich tapestry of ethnic diversity,
primarily inhabited by the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Toposa peoples. This geographical complexity,
marked by rugged mountainous terrains and proximity to the South Sudanese border, profoundly in-
uences interethnic relations and conict dynamics. Utilizing qualitative data collected from local in-
formants, historical documents, and government reports, this research challenges prevailing academic
assumptions about the root causes of ethnic conict without ignoring resource competition as a cause
of conict.
The ndings reveal that traditional explanations of ethnic conict, such as resource competition and
cattle raiding, are insucient in understanding the root causes of the ongoing tensions. Instead, the
movement of the South Sudanese Toposa people, ineective governance structures, and deep-seated
historical grievances have been identied as critical factors exacerbating the conict. These factors have
fostered an environment of mistrust and animosity among the ethnic groups, leading to increased com-
petition for dwindling resources. The escalation of conicts is further characterized by the proliferation
of modern weaponry and the breakdown of traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. Consequently,
the consequences of these conicts are severe, resulting in loss of life, forced displacement, and the
destabilization of local governance structures.
In general, this article emphasizes the importance of understanding the intricate interplay of historical
grievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conicts in Maji awraja. It
underscores the need for tailored conict resolution strategies that acknowledge local dynamics and
enhance governance structures, ultimately aiming to foster sustainable peace and coexistence among
the diverse ethnic groups in the region.
1.1 Geographical Setting of Maji awraja and its Society
This section provides a historical overview of the settlement patterns and socio-political organization
of the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples in Maji awraja, (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial admin-
istrative divisions under the imperial Ethiopian system) shedding light on the root causes of ongoing
conicts in the area. By examining the transformation of traditional livelihoods, community structures,
and interethnic relations, we explore how the historical context has shaped current tensions. Therefore,
this brief historical description of the layout of the woredas (an administrative structure below awraja
administrative structure in Ethiopian Imperial and Derg regimes) and settlement patterns of these peo-
ple are meant to understand the root cause of the conict in the area. The socio-political and economic
organizations of the ethnic groups reveal a rich story of resilience and adaptability within the commu-
nity.
Before 1991, Maji awraja was one of the sub-administrative divisions under the former Kaa Kaa Teklay
Administration and later Kaa Kiehager province of Ethiopia (Gebre-Hawariya,2013, p. 5); (Zewdu
&Laqäw,1991). It is now known as the West Omo Zone in the Southwestern People’s Regional State.
The Maji awraja was bordered by Sudan in the West, the River Omo in the South and Southeast, and by
Kaa awraja and River Omo to the East (Kebede,1952). Maji awraja included the land and peoples of
Dessenech, Nyangatom, Turkana, Toposa, Murle, Karo, and Mursi. Additionally, the awraja extended
up to the Boma plateau in 1936, while the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Zilmamo are ethnic communities
who have always been inhabitants of the awraja (Garretson,1986, pp. 212-216).
The Dizi people reside in three woredas: Mehal Maji, Kurit, and Bero. Bero woreda Administration was
bordered by several other woredas and had one sub-woreda Administration called Dami, with Jabba as
its capital. The Zilmamo predominantly lived in three villages Moga, Gotita, Nameri, and Bebhseni.
The Mehal Maji woreda was divided into two deputy woreda Administrations: Kelt and U’r, while the
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Kurit woreda Administration had one deputy Administration called Sisky (Kabada,1952). The majority
of the Dizi people live in mountainous, rugged land covered with dense natural forests, where they
practice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry (Zerihun,1993). The Dizi were arranged hierarchi-
cally in both their governmental and social spheres, at least since the start of the 18th century (Gebre-
Hawariya,2013). There were over 39 competitive, autonomous Dizi sections, with smaller chiefdoms
existing before Emperor Menelik IIs conquest and continued to exist in the form of balabat territories.
Their boundaries were often unclear, with informants attempting to dene them by clan names. Sec-
tion and clan leaders managed administrative tasks for each chief. The Dizi upper nobility was divided
into three hierarchies, with Kiyaz as the highest rank, while the upper middle rank was called Key, and
Burj, was the title for the lower tier. The middle aristocracies were the Doni and Nianng responsible
for implementing the upper nobility’s directives within a Dizi chiefdom. The working class, including
peasants and serfs, formed the largest segment of the population. The lowest level consisted of occu-
pational castes, such as hunters, smiths, potters, and tanners, who were often disregarded (Interview:
Maji, September, 2023).
In the present days the Me’enit people live in three woredas namely: Goldiya, Shasha, and Gore Gesha.
The historical Goldiya woreda was in the East of Maji town and bordered by Kaa awraja administration,
Berebere River, and Shasha woreda administration. Shasha woreda had one deputy woreda called Jemu
deputy administration. Shasha town served as the capital due to its strategic location. Gesha woreda
was north of Maji town and divided into two sub-woreda Administrations. The highland Me’enit woredas
of Goldiya and Gesha also practice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry in mountainous, rugged
areas with dense natural forests (Kebede,1952).
The Me’enit society was characterized by at least 15 rival chiefs across four main geographical areas
of Goldiya, Shasha, Gore Gesha and Decha. the Me’enit were loosely organized social and political
group. This was because the Me’enit political administration did not evolve into formal chiefdoms with
established hierarchies. Instead, clan groups (du’ut, zuk-te) form the fundamental units of their social
structure. However, there were some clans who held greater legitimacy and exerted control over others,
suggesting that Komurut were chiefs of clans within specic chiefdoms or territorial subdivisions rather
than heads of a single clan.
Abbink (1986) notes, groups within chiefdom had a form of ”cultural division of labor,” which inu-
enced the community’s social and political structure. Certain clan subsets, like the Boshu clan family,
were entrusted with religious duties, overseeing rain, land fertility, and the populace. Most of the pop-
ulation lives mixed agricultural and lowland Me’enits lived as pastoralists, while specic groups are
known for their specialized skills. Their social structure was exible and dynamic, with status and
positions frequently changing due to conict (Abbink,1991).
The Surma people predominantly live in the Tirma-Ted woreda, which shared boundaries with the Cen-
tral/Mahal Maji woreda in the East, the Sudan government in the South, and the Galeb woreda in the
North. To the North, it was adjacent to the Bero woreda. The Tirma-Tid woreda was divided into two
deputies woredas, namely Banbu and Ted (Dubale,1968;Kebede,1952). They had formed two major
sections which in turn further divided. The Tirma section of Suri contains four clans, while the Chai
section contains six sub sections. The Suri socio-political system favored communalism, with social di-
visions based only on clan and age, rejecting hierarchical organization. The Suri are kinship-oriented,
with patrilineal clans playing a key role in marriage and ceremonies (Abbink,1998). Elders hold polit-
ical authority, while the komoru serves as a ceremonial leader, embodying community harmony and
spiritual communication. The gulsa is a secular village leader who derives authority from the komoru’s
blessing but cannot perform all of the komoru’s duties. The gulsa is responsible for maintaining law
and order in the community.
The Suri, as a pastoral society practiced age-grade governance, holding elections every 25 to 30 years
throughout the early nineteenth century (Abbink,1986, pp. 22–41). The Suri age system categorizes
people into four groups: junior elders (rora), senior elders (Bara), children (lusi), and young warriors
(tegay). Leadership is assumed by the rora, or third-age grade, which changes every 25 to 30 years. Once
initiated, these individuals become decision-makers. Senior or retired elders, along with the reigning
rora elders, hold the most political power. The younger tegay males are expected to respect and honor
the elders, recognizing their role as the backbone of political society (Abbink,2003, pp. 25-45); (Abbink,
1998, pp. 325-27). Women in the Suri society derived their age-grade status from their spouses instead
of undergoing their own initiation.
Over the years these three ethnic groups Dizi, Me’enit, and Suri peoples had experienced signicant
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internal social, political, and economic transformations. There was a gradual rise in the authority of
their leaders, leading to the emergence of ranking families and increased interethnic conicts.
The Toposa people, pastoralists from Eastern South Sudan who often sought grass in Ethiopia’s moun-
tainous regions during the dry season (Abbink,1993, p. 329). However, since 1968, these Sudanese
people of the Topossa inltrated in to the Surma inhabited rst Tirma Tid woreda of Ethiopia, and then
in Bero woreda and thus causing conict with the Dizi and Suri people (Interview: Tum, June, 2023).
For all these cultural groups’ livestock herding was the main livelihood strategy. The society primarily
herded livestock such as cattle and goats, with limited cultivation along seasonally ooded riverbanks.
Those closer to Lake Turkana relied more on shing. In the remote past their relations and interac-
tions were mainly centered on competing for resources and cattle raiding. Due to internal and external
factors their interactions had got complicated.
In the next section we will see how this was changed over time. These communities maintain amicable
ties with each other through the exchange of goods and services on the market, marriage, and rituals.
These groups sell and buy items on the Tum and Maji market from one another, crosscutting group
boundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting one
another in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. Similarly, the Suri used to
regard the Dizi as ritual makers during dry seasons. Many stories are told about the historically created
marriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an eort to cultivate good relations between Dizi
and their neighbors (Ibid). Similarly, the Dizi have maintained their amicable relation with Me’enit
(Abbink,2009). Both groups sell and buy items on the market from one another, crosscutting group
boundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting one
another in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. The story of one of the Dizi
chiefs, Mäŝikiyaz, was an important political and social link between the two ethnic groups. Similar
stories are told about the historically created marriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an eort
to cultivate good relations between Dizi and their neighbors. In the past, there were fewer conicts,
partly because droughts were less frequent. The level of destruction was also minimal, as traditional
weapons were used. Due to the traditional peace-making mechanisms and a culture of interdependence
or reciprocity elders were able to resolve such conicts through, for instance, intermarriage and Jala
(friendship) (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023).
Today, the situation has changed signicantly. Conicts are occurring more frequently and with greater
intensity, and the underlying causes and actors involved have become increasingly complex. One ma-
jor factor contributing to these conicts is the growing water shortage. As pastoralists face diminishing
access to water and grazing land, they are compelled to travel greater distances in search of these essen-
tial resources. This struggle not only intensies competition among dierent groups but also heightens
tensions, leading to conicts over increasingly scarce resources (Ibid). The above analysis reveals a rich
tapestry of resilience and adaptability among these communities, while also highlighting the complex-
ity of modern conicts exacerbated by resource scarcity, the introduction of modern weaponry, and
the marginalization of local governance (Fernyhough,1994, pp. 5-10). The introduction of advanced
rearms has transformed the dynamics of conict; traditional methods of resolving disputes have been
overshadowed by more lethal confrontations, resulting in higher casualties and signicant destruction.
Understanding these dynamics is crucial for addressing the evolving nature of interethnic conicts in
the region. The next section of this article will explore the fundamental causes of the conicts.
2 Methodology
2.1 Qualitative Research Design
This study adopts a qualitative research design to explore the intricate ethnic interactions and conicts
in Maji awraja. By employing this approach, the research aims to achieve a nuanced understanding of
the social, historical, and cultural dynamics that inuence these ethnic relationships.
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2.2 Data Collection Methods
Interviews: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 23 local informants. This method enabled
the collection of personal narratives and insights regarding ethnic relations and conicts directly from
those impacted by these issues. Focus on root factors and Key Contributing Factors The interview and
its analysis examine root and critical factors that contribute to ethnic conicts, transcending traditional
explanations such as resource competition. Key factors explored include:
• The migration of South Sudanese Toposa people.
• Ethnic divisions within local governance structures.
• Ineective governance at multiple administrative levels.
Historical Document Analysis: The researchers engaged in a thorough analysis of existing historical
documents, reports, and scholarly literature. This investigation provides a contextual framework for the
study, allowing for the identication of historical grievances and shifts in governance over time. Gov-
ernment Reports: The study incorporates data from Bench Maji Zone Administrative Oce, archives
mainly government reports that discuss issues related to ethnic conicting interactions, conict reso-
lutions and resource management, and local governance structures. Thematic Analysis; Data collected
from interviews and document analysis was systematically analyzed to identify emergent themes and
patterns related to ethnic relationships, conict dynamics, and governance issues. This thematic anal-
ysis highlights the underlying causes of tensions and informs the recommendations presented in the
article. Contextual Framework: The research emphasizes a contextual understanding, highlighting the
historical and socio-political landscapes that shape ethnic interactions in Maji awraja. This approach
underscores the importance of local dynamics in formulating eective conict resolution strategies.
3 Result and Discussion
3.1 The Root Causes of the Ethnic Conicts in Maji awraja
In 1898, the Ethiopian Imperial administration introduced a new administrative system, along with
the slave and ivory trade to Maji awraja (Margery,1948, p. 330). However, Maji had a worse imperial
administrative structure in the 1920s and 1930s than other regions of the nation because of the insecu-
rity and exploitation (Margery,1948, pp. 333-34). Moreover, Maji’s location along the Ethio-Sudanese
border made the Ethiopian administration complex. The border divided pastoral populations, posing
challenges to eective administration and the creation of a national identity. This division provided an
opportunity for the local society to evade state administration. For example, when tribute or taxes were
demanded from Surma pastoralist society, many of them would ee to Sudan to avoid these demands
(Salvadori,2010, p. 135). The arms, slaves and ivory trading and poaching practices were major sources
of the insecurity and conict in the region.
On the other hand, the government of imperial Ethiopia since the late 1940s was making eorts to stabi-
lize the region and attempting to manage the border in order to control tax evaders and to control ethnic
conict and prevent the inltration of South Sudanese Toposa people across the border. The eort was
not strong enough as it was based on occasional mobile military surveillance and expeditions were the
common strategy of administering the border. Probably due to the worsening security situation in of
the area in 1947 the imperial government had established three military bases which continued func-
tioning until the last years of the Derg regime (Mamo1968) but couldn’t stop the Toposa encroachment
and ethnic conicts (Seid,2019, p. 57).
One of the reasons why government of Ethiopia failed to deploy permanent army along the border was
as informants narrate it was due to the hot climate and lack of agricultural practice among the Suri
and Me’enit people. According to informants thus to ll the lack of northern and Christian state per-
sonnel who were unfamiliar to the hot climate of the Tirma Tid woreda, the government relied on Dizi
chiefs and their relatives who had no problem of living in the hot area were recruited as government
functionaries like police, governor and tax collectors. the Ethiopian government therefore assumed
control of border areas and implemented indirect rule through traditional chiefs in the post Italian im-
perial administration. After the Italians withdrawal and the pacication process in the early 1940s, the
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Ethiopian government took control of the army outposts and promised to improve the administrative
framework. As discussed above it established three military posts having 700 soldiers. In addition the
state indirectly inuenced settled farmers to maintain local peace and collect taxes through traditional
chiefs (Seid,2019, p. 45). Moreover, as sources claimed that the security problem of the awraja was
a principal factor for the extension of miketel wäräda administrations (deputy woreda). Thus for the
Surma the Dizi would mean part of the central government which was known for its exploitative and
harsh administrative practices. In the long run this had caused suspicion and hostility among the Dizi
and Suri.
As it is well known, the Italian occupation (1935-36) had profound eects on Ethiopian society and pol-
itics, leading to a complex aftermath characterized by conict, resistance, and attempts at national re-
building (Zewde,2000). Maji Awrajja, in 1941-1943, was characterized by tension and chaos (Pankhurst,
1996, pp. 35-77). In this period the number of rearms in the hands of the natives had increased in dif-
ferent ways. Firstly Italians had left a lot of guns behind when they left the area at many locations nation,
secondly, the British distributed and equipped local individuals against the restored imperial govern-
ment and Ethiopian military while conducting the mopping up operations gave rearms to involving
native individuals. All of these factors increased the number of rearms among the Dizi, Me’enits and
the Suri. Chiefs and small, local communities beneted most from these weapons. As the result the bal-
ance of military power was maintained, so that ethnic conicts were rare. In fact in the period between
the liberation in 1941 to 1991 the conict of the area was centered more against the state (Interview:
Maji, June, 2023). All attempts of the government to disarm the equipped local chiefs and community
members had all ended in asco, except few successes among the Dizi and Me’enits. The Surma who
are living in extreme areas remained armed all through the time and in the late 1980s they had got
access to modern rearms from the Sudanese People Liberation Army (SPLA). When the rise of the
EPRDF (Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democracy Front) in May 1991, military bases and police sta-
tions were removed from the Maji area, allowing the SPLA to sell arms to the Surma and encouraging
and arming the Toposa people with more advanced guns that the Surma, they were capable to displace
the Surma from Tirma Tid woreda. This situation contributed for the shift of military power between
the Dizi, Me’enit and Surma, the Surma acquiring Kilashinkov (Seid,2019, p. 53).
Despite promises by the EPRDF government to address the issues, no real attempts were made until
the late 1990s when the deployment of military forces was agreed upon but not realized. This has left
the Surma and Dizi elders feeling deeply betrayed. What most contributed in the shift of balance of
military power between the Surma and Dizi was the incomplete disarmament of eort of the EPRDF
government, only Dizi were disarmed and the Suri remained armed. (Interview: Maji, September,
2023).
Due to pressure from the Toposa and famines in 1980 and 1984, the Surma people were forced to leave
their ancestral land in the Tirma-Tid woreda and settled in the Dizi-inhabited woreda of Bero. At this
time the well-armed Surma were able to displace the Dizi from sixteen kebeles (the lowest adminis-
trative unit) and settled in the high land areas of Mehal Maji woreda. The evacuation of the Ethiopian
army from the border led to the disintegration of the Tirma-Tid woreda administration, facilitating the
occupation of the area by South Sudanese peoples (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023). Moreover, ac-
cording to informants after 1991, the Sudan People’s Liberation Front provided training and modern
equipment to the Toposa, leading to their dominance over the Surma. Therefore, the Toposa have ac-
cess to better equipment than the local government. The lack of control in the international border area
by the Ethiopian side allowed for invasion by the Toposa backed by the SPLA (Interview: Tum, June,
2023).
The forceful occupation of pastures by the Toposa in the 1970s and 1980s, along with the support they
received from the Sudan People’s Liberation Front led to the displacement of the Surma people from
their ancestral lands to areas west of the Kibish River. Since 1991, the Toposa have taken over much
of the fertile pastures in the Tima-Tid areas of the southern and central Surma. They have built huts,
started irrigated farms, and even built a school in the Surma woreda, as reported by Surma informants.
Even today the Toposa are occupying grazing land in South West Surma and their attacks from Sudan
have resulted in an increased in their numbers, estimated to be between 20,000-30,000 locally. They are
regularly seen in Kibish, town the capital of Surma woreda, and its surroundings, deep into Ethiopian
territory, around more than 150 km from the border. (Interview: Maji , September, 2023). The following
narrative of the informant vividly explains the root cause of the conict.
When the Derg dictatorship was nearing its end in 1990, many Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma people pur-
chased weapons that were being sold by the army. After the rise of the EPRDF in 1991, ocials aimed
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to disarm the populace. As a result, EPRDF ocials collected guns from the Dizi and Me’enit commu-
nities, eectively disarming them. The Surma people were willing to give up their long-held weapons
but wanted improved border security rst. Surma suggested using local weapons to protect the borders
until the military arrived, showing concern for safety and life-saving measures. Emperor Haileselesie
and the Derg stationed forces from Mardur to guard borders. The Surma people were willing to give
up their weapons only after the military left and a new border-protection system was in place. The
Surma forcefully expanded their territory, leading to conict. The Dizi people suered food shortages
and oppression as a result. The once close relationship between the Dizi and Surma has weakened,
resulting in fewer connections between the two groups (Interview: Maji, September, 2023).
Surma’s perspective on the root cause of ethnic conict emphasizes historical grievances and long-
standing animosities between the Dizi and Surma ethnic groups. The Surma viewpoint argues that
conicts are the result of deep-rooted historical injustices, including land disputes and oppression.
Cattle raiding had little to do with the conict. Their main source of contention with the Toposa was
their shared Ethio-South Sudan boundary and cattle raiding. Cattle raiding and gold mining areas were
their primary points of concern with the Me’enit and Agnwa, respectively. The following statement
from a Surma informant illuminates the Surma perspective more clearly.
Since ancient times, we Surmas went to Maji and trade in the market. In times of famine, we went to the
market and buy food. We raised some people as friends and our son. We marry Dizi women. My wife
is a Dizi woman. But now the conict is stupid. It is the individuals who create the conict, not the
politics that created the conict. The hardest conict started after the 1991 regime change (Interview,
Kibish, June, 2023).
When I asked my Surma informants about a possible root cause of the conict with the Dizi being
the cause of the current conict, they unequivocally dismissed the territorial notion. According to my
sources, the issues between the Surma and Dizi stem from elsewhere.
We do not have a border conict with the Dizi. Our borders and relations concern only with Sudan. As
Ethiopians, we recognize boundaries solely with Sudan. However, tensions exist with the Dizi due to
their role as agents of oppression under imperial and authoritarian regimes. As state enforcers, the Dizi
persecuted our people. Surma civilians fell victim to a coordinated attack by Dizi local forces partnered
with the central government’s military. In this regard, we always remember the events of atrocities
that happened to the Surma people at Nameri, Dishu Gurbali, and Maji town. It is this dark history of
subjugation and atrocities, not border dispute that lies at the heart of contemporary conicts between
the Surma and Dizi peoples (Interview: Kibish, June, 2023).
When I spoke to my Surma informants about the impact of the Toposa invasion on their territories,
they conrmed that signicant portions of Surma woreda lands, particularly in the southern and central
Surma Mountains around Tirma Ted and Chai, have fallen under Toposa dominance. They indicated
that the Toposas have taken control of mining operations, and irrigation farms, and have built schools
on land traditionally inhabited by the Surma, causing signicant grievance in the area. They were
compelled to evacuate from the woreda but argued that they resettled in their ancestral lands. All the
territories we currently inhabited are the lands we have inherited, as other Surma who faced expulsion
relocated to their forefathers’ domains as well. The only land reportedly taken by from the Dizi are
Kollu and Dirabi (Ibid). The Surma informants’ account of the preceding circumstances teaches us that
the Surma and Dizi ethnic groups coexisted in the same area by planning their territorial settlement in a
methodically manner. The Dizi people settled in the mountainous and forested areas, while the Surma
people inhabited the lowlands of Maji and Bero woredas. Therefore, the Surma people lived outside of
the Surma woreda before 1991.
In 1991, the EPRDF government introduced a new form of governance to modernize society and the
state. As the result Ethnic groups in Ethiopia were allowed to establish their own self administrative
structure depending on their territorial and population size. The Maji awraja and its society were rec-
ognized as Dizi Me’enit and Surma people’s territory and shared among. However, as discussed above
the Tirma-Tid woreda, the core Surma country was collapsed and was taken over by the Toposa long
years ago, while most of the Surma people lived in the lowlands of the Maji and Bero woredas, under
the Dizi chiefs. The newly structured/organized Dizi self-administrative woredats had maintained the
ancient Dizi territories in which the Surma were living. Due to this and the Toposa occupation case the
Suri were not granted a self-administration woreda until 1994.
In 1994 the Surma self-administrative woreda was established from parts of the Maji and Bero woredas
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after 1994 (Interview: Tum, September, 2023). The Dizi were not happy with the government’s attempt
to reorganize the Surma self-administrative woreda. The Surma people are dissatised with the Dizi
claim on areas in the Maji and Bero woredas, where they have lived for a long time. The Dizi are asking
for the Surma to be removed from these areas. The regional and national administration failure to
restore Tirma Tid woreda the local administrative divisions and ethnic-based federalism in such fragile
security area have disrupted traditional cooperation and relations (Gemeda,1990), leading to increased
insecurity and strict exclusion regulations for those who were living together as neighboring ethnic
groups (Ibid).
On the other hand, the EPRDF leaders claimed that the woreda-level self-administrative division in for-
mer Maji awraja was based on ethnic lines (Tegegne &Kassahun,2004, pp. 2-25), but as we see it today
these ethnic groups are exercising self-administration in more than two woreda, therefore they felt iso-
lated from their keens’ but former woreda administration from the previous regime, continued except
the Surma. These ethnic self-administration policies of the EPRDF have damaged established tradi-
tional political institutions’ ability to resolve disputes, and they should be seen as the primary cause of
the prolonged ethnic conict in the area (Ibid).
Last but not least the disintegration traditional governance and conict resolution methods moral order
among the Surma and others should be considered as exacerbating factors. These traditional practices
were not merely rules; they were lifelines that helped maintain community stability, reminding every-
one that in the face of conict, the ultimate goal was harmony and unity. Through these rituals, the
Suri in particular demonstrated their commitment to preserving the social fabric of their community,
ensuring that even in dicult times; they could nd pathways to understanding and peace. However,
since the late 1980s, these traditional systems have signicantly declined, undermining their ability to
manage conicts (interview: Kibish, September, 2023).
3.2 Courses and Consequences of the Conict
This section delves into the courses and consequences of the conict rst by summarizing the root
causes of ethnic conicts in Maji awraja, tracing their origins to historical administrative failures, colo-
nial legacies, and complex socio-political dynamics among the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples as
discussed above. Beginning with the disruptive eects of Ethiopian imperial governance and the Ital-
ian occupation, the analysis highlights how the introduction of rearms and the lack of eective border
management exacerbated tensions. The fragmentation of traditional governance structures since 1974
at least, the decline of traditional conict resolution methods, alongside the impact of external pres-
sures such as the Toposa’s encroachment as coupled with ethnic-based federalism under the EPRDF,
has further destabilized interethnic relations, leading to a resurgence of conict. Ultimately resource
competition, underscores the multifaceted nature of the ongoing strife in the region. As compared
to the Dizi the Surma have increasingly used modern rearms to assert control over these territories,
including strategic locations rich in resources like gold.
The Majj awraja societies have been heavily armed for a long time and this situation troubled the admin-
istrators of the time of the emperor (Salvadori,2010, p.210). Cross-border rearms trade were found
lucrative and there were a trade- in arms from Addis Ababa to Dima, which is to satisfy the demand for
weapons needed by the gold producers to protect themselves from the attacks of Agniwa and Surma.
However, it was the Sudan People’s Liberation Front’s involvement in the trade and support for the
Topasa in the 1980s that had changed the type and size of arms in the region. On the other hand the
Toposa’s expansion which was backed by highly sophisticated weapons greatly aected the Surma as
they were forced to evacuate from the Tirma Tid areas and expanded in to the less armed Me’enit
Shasha, and Dizi in Bero, and Maji woredas of the awraja. This had resulted vicious of conicts in the
area. According to the Dizi informants, this expansion of the Surma into their territory becomes more
pronounced during every summer season since then (Interview: Tum, June, (2023). According to these
informants, the Surma were expanding by armed forces into regions potentially containing gold mines.
The Dizi complained that the Surma herdsmen, with the Surma woreda government’s support, were
relocating and taking control of trampled land, granting the Kebele structure to Surma residents. The
Surma were said to be residing in and managing the ancient Dizi territory, which was fully under their
control after 1991.
Compounding these territorial disputes are socio-economic dynamics, particularly high dowry de-
mands linked to cattle ownership. The Dizi were disproportionately aected due to increased Surma
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cattle raiding. According to the Surma tradition of marriage arrangement a young man to marry a girl,
must provide thirty to forty cattle and a Kalashnikov weapon with full ammunition as a dowry. On the
other hand, the cost of livestock and weapons had been raised rapidly. So that Surma youths, often in
groups of ve to ten, use modern weapons such as the Kalashnikov for cattle raiding to gather wealth
for marriage and worsening the conict as they not only raid cattle but also kill anyone they encoun-
tered. They also set re to homes and other property. These actions have resulted in signicant losses
for the less armed Dizi in terms of both cattle and human lives due to retaliatory attacks and attempts to
recover stolen animals (BMZOA Archive). The conict escalates with retaliatory attacks from the Dizi
against Surma aggressions, resulting in direct confrontations in highland areas of Maji. Between 1989
and 1998, this strife accounted for numerous casualties and the theft of cattle valued at over nine million
birr (BMZOA Archive). However, the Dizi have sought refuge in highland areas, but even there, they
have not found peace from attacks. The Surma and Dizi are directly ghting in the hills and highlands
between 1989 and 1998 ((BMZOA Archive). The conict between the Surma and the Dizi escalated
every year as the Toposa continued pushing the Surma. Also, as the Surma continue to face pressure
from the Toposa, their expansion incurs further skirmishes, in territories traditionally inhabited by the
Me’enit. In due course of time the importance of cattle has grown in the lowland community, leading to
conicts between the Surma and the Dizi, Mienit, and Toposa, often arising from the desire to acquire
more cattle for higher dowries.
The clashes are particularly pronounced between dierent ethnic groups in gold-producing areas, where
competition for resources intensies conicts. The expansion of the Agwak in the Bero and its sur-
rounding areas had led to further instability, exacerbating violence and provoking retaliatory actions.
The socio-economic fabric of aected communities has been severely disturbed, with widespread vio-
lence and atrocities marking the landscape of ethnic conict. This unrest has resulted in dierent forms
of violence, including targeted attacks and mass killings during communal gatherings, which further
proliferate cycles of retribution (Interview: Kibish, September, (2023).
The zonal government has not stopped the conicts and displacement of the Dizi and Surma ethnic
group members. Moreover, the conict extended to the Me’enit due to the Surma’s incursion into the
Me’enit Shasha woreda and prevalent cultural and economic circumstances. The dispute between the
Surma and the Me’enit remains unresolved according to Surma informants (Interview: Kibish, Septem-
ber, (2023).
As the course and consequence of the conict we can consider the disintegration of Surma society and
the reign of riotous spirit. Since the major displacement of the Surma people from the Tirma and Tid
woredas to the Dizi and Me’enit areas things changed rapidly. Three conditions have led to the collapse
of the traditional socio-cultural values that support the authority of Surma elders to solve the mutual
murders that spread in the area. These are: the proliferation of automatic weapons and their availabil-
ity, the introduction of alcoholic drinks, and the increase in spending money that young Surma have
accumulated by producing gold (Interview: Kibish, September, 2023). As the result among the Surma
violence and atrocities had become widespread. The Surma group conicts were characterized by acts
of violence, ranging from riots and targeted attacks and killings were common during the traditional
ritual of stick ghting, during which hundreds of youths are regularly collected. During this period,
they easily carry out revenge actions due to emotional impulses. In this process, new circumstances
were created that cause revenge. The main actors of this action were the underage youngsters, who
were highly armed and disobedient to their elders. According to informants, this situation had reached
the level of genocide, and 10-15 murders were committed every month (Interview: Tum, June, (2023).
These acts of violence could result in the displacement of populations, destruction of communities, and
loss of life. It seems that the basic reason for the destruction of socio-cultural institutions of power is
that they were forced to migrate from Surma traditional lands in the last generation.
3.3 Local and Regional Conict Resolution Initiatives
This section examines local and regional conict resolution initiatives aimed at addressing intereth-
nic disputes in Maji awraja, focusing on the evolution of customary methods in the face of changing
conict dynamics. The conict over cattle raiding and disputes over resources were resolved through
customary methods, but the nature of conicts changed in the 1980s. Despite the change in the na-
ture of conict, these days, the ethnic communities continue to practice indigenous reconciliation rites,
which have been historically eective in resolving interethnic disputes, including murder and raids.
The Dizi conict resolution custom is known as the ”doe,” among Me’enit it is referred to as ”asha”,
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and among the Surma it is called “ligin”. Interestingly all the customs the procedure entails are similar.
A public gathering of the disputing parties was followed by a ritual reconciliation ceremony and elder
mediation based on an agreement for in-kind or cash restitution. The local chiefs of the aected ethnic
groups held a reconciliation ritual during a period of increased and frequent interethnic hostilities in
the area. The ritual might go on for several days. It includes killing two or more black oxen, washing
the local chiefs in the blood of the killed animals, slicing open the carcass and drying the peritoneum on
the fresh hide, the local chiefs of the respective groups swearing not to make the same mistakes again,
washing their hands in the green material found in the dead animal’s digestive tract, and hanging the
dried peritoneum strips around the necks of the individuals in dispute (Interview: Tum, Kibish and
Jammu June to September, (2023).
Even while they provided short-term xes, these traditional methods of reconciliation were no longer
successful in resolving disputes. Since the 1980s, in particular, their power to regulate interethnic rela-
tions has decreased and, even if there have been some recent reconciliation ceremonies; they were brief
and prone to being broken. Because of their constant obsession with the idea that guns have super-
natural abilities, the Surma are typically the ones who break these kinds of reconciliation agreements
(Interview: Tum, June, (2023). Informants stated that local ocials and elders led at least one recon-
ciliation ritual annually. A large-scale tripartite reconciliation ritual ceremony of the Surma, Me-enit,
and Dizi peoples was held at Tum Airplane Field in February 1994. At this time also all of the previ-
ously described reconciliation rituals were performed. However, informants stressed that the Surma
had breached the terms and said to have had raided the Dizi barely eighteen days after the peace cer-
emony. All, however, remained unsuccessful. (Interview, Tum, and June 2023). The Suri informants
have agreed on the facts of the reconciliation conferences but consistently argue that the Dizi took the
responsibility of the breaching of reconciliations made (Interviewee: Kibish, September, (2023),
Similarly regional, zonal and civil society organizations that operate on the subject of peace and secu-
rity have made multiple attempts at reconciliation. The highest level reconciliation meetings were led
during the reign of Ato. Abate Kisho, Ato. Hailemariam Dessalegn, Ato. Shiferaw Shigute, who ad-
ministered the South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) from 1994 to 2018 at various
points in time. Similarly all contemporary Presidents of the Bench Maji zone also involved in reconcili-
ation eorts including Mr. Wondimu Gebre, the last president of the dual zone Bench-Maji zone before
its split in to two zones, Bench Sheko and West Omo zones). The two civil society organizations, Mercy
Corps and Pact Ethiopia were known for implementing projects on peace and security problems in the
Zone since the late 1990s. These three agencies were working together mainly on facilitating consulta-
tive meetings, arranging and sponsoring reconciliation ceremonies and community dialogue on peace
building and rehabilitation works (interviewee: Mizan, May, (2023). All parties ignored the root causes
of the conict and considered the traditional cattle raiding and resource competition as the cause (In-
terview: Maji, September, 2023). As discussed above the root cause of the conict was and is the lack
of security at the Ethio-South Sudanese border, and the responsibility of managing and solving this
situation through the traditional conict resolution method is beyond the capacity of the local chiefs
and regional government of the former SNNPRS and the zonal and woreda administrations.
The Surma and Dizi communities strongly believe that the Federal Defense Forces should forcibly return
the Toposa there to Sudan. The Toposa in Surma woreda are large in number and have been in the area
for a long time (more than 30 years in some southern parts of the woreda) (Interview: Tum, September,
(2023). This has proven to be the most dicult aspect of the process. In connection with this, there
is widespread resentment in the area due to lack of government intervention in the area. Maji was
a place where the central government has been relatively strong and active since the late twentieth
century. There are also instances of nostalgic comparisons to the past (Ibid). Other strategies used
by the government to solve the problem include: police protection and the local army. Since the last
years of the 1990s there have been attempts to strengthen the police force in Surma woreda and other
pastoralist areas by training more pastoralist ocers (BMZAO archives). However, police stations were
established in all woredas, but limited to cities (Interview: Kibish and Tum, June, (2023). As discussed
above, the disarmament activities that were started in the early 1990s were ineective and the outcome
created a military imbalance between the Surma who were least aected as they were not disarmed the
Dizi who were highly aected as they were disarmed.
Promoting socio-economic development in all the woredas of Maji proper was widely accepted as a so-
lution to the problem as the governments and local NGOs believed. According to the governments and
local NGOs the root cause of the conict was underdevelopment. (Bench Maji Zone Administration
oce/BMZAO/ Archive). Based on the belief that development projects were implemented and some
success has been achieved in the construction of government oce buildings, police stations, educa-
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tional programs, and road works in Kibish, Tum, and Jabba towns (Archive BMZAO Bench-Maji Zone
Department of Peace and security, 2014 annual report p. 24). It was accepted by informants also that
in some areas, especially in the Bero woreda where social services project were in good condition, the
relationship between Dizi and Surma (Bali) was more peaceful than others (Interviewee: Tum, June,
(2023). According to informants however, these social services have been seriously damaged due to
the ongoing conicts and the lack of sucient resources to rehabilitate hampered their eectiveness,
especially transportation to move around the woredas.
Despite the above peace building the attempts, many voices of complaint have been heard among the
Dizi. In other words, all the attempts were unsatisfactory for them. For the Dizi elites the cause of con-
ict in the area’ results from the administrators’ discriminatory practices is due to discrimination by the
administrators against the Dizi as what had been considered Dizi areas were given to the Surma self-
administration wareda. Thus all the solutions should emanate from building faith among the Dizi and
Surma, the Dizi demanded that the Surma people can live in the territory as any Ethiopian citizens but
the territory must reintegrated to the Dizi woreda administration and restoring the Tirma Tid woreda ad-
ministration for the Surma people. According to the Dizi view no other solutions can convince them and
thus they thought that they were being isolated and unprotected (Interview: Tum, September, (2023).
On the other hand, one can say that the labeling of Surma as oenders while the Dizi understanding
the root cause of the conict should not force them to think that they were the only helpless.
4 Conclusion
The analysis presented in this article elucidates the complex interplay of historical grievances, ineec-
tive governance, and material drivers such as cattle, gold, and marriage dowries in shaping the ethnic
conicts within Maji awraja. Specic violent incidents, including armed raids and brutal confronta-
tions, underscore the urgent need to address these prevailing tensions. This article recognizes that the
competition for cattle—long viewed not only as a vital economic resource but also as a marker of social
status—has intensied conicts among the Dizi, Surma, and Toposa groups. As dowries continue to
rise, with young men required to provide substantial herds coupled with weapons, the cycle of vio-
lence is perpetuated. The fragility of peace is further threatened by the allure of gold mining, which
has attracted both local and external actors, exacerbating territorial disputes and armed encounters over
resource control.
Historically, these conicts are rooted in the legacies of poor governance and inadequate administra-
tive frameworks that have failed to regulate inter-ethnic relations eectively. The political narratives
shaped by historical injustices have fostered mistrust, complicating local dynamics. In this context, the
lack of functional governance structures has allowed armed groups to ourish, further destabilizing the
region. Ultimately, the ndings suggest that addressing these interwoven factors historical grievances,
economic drivers, and governance failures holds the key to fostering sustainable peace in Maji awraja.
Without acknowledging the material realities and historical contexts underpinning these conicts, any
attempts at reconciliation or conict resolution are unlikely to achieve lasting results. The path for-
ward must prioritize not only immediate security measures but also equitable access to resources and
recognition of the socio-cultural fabric that binds these diverse communities. This article oers an orig-
inal contribution to the understanding of ethnic interactions in Maji awraja by challenging conventional
narratives surrounding the roots of conict. Through a comprehensive analysis of historical and socio-
political contexts, it underscores the signicance of factors such as the movement of the South Sudanese
Toposa, local governance divisions, and broader governance issues in shaping ethnic relations. By shift-
ing the focus away from traditional explanations like cattle raiding, this research provides a nuanced
perspective that is essential for both academia and policy-making.
The implications of these ndings are substantial. Policymakers must recognize the intricate interplay
of historical grievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conicts in the
region. Strategies aimed at conict resolution should prioritize enhancing local governance structures,
fostering interethnic dialogue, and addressing the socio-economic disparities that exacerbate tensions.
Furthermore, acknowledging the historical context of grievances may help create more eective recon-
ciliation processes that consider the complex realities of the aected communities.
However, this study is not without limitations. The reliance on qualitative data, while providing depth,
may introduce biases based on the perspectives of individual informants. Additionally, the historical
EHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55
EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 77
focus may overlook recent developments and their impact on current dynamics and unable to incor-
porate the Toposa perspectives. Future research could benet from a mixed-methods approach that
incorporates quantitative data to complement qualitative insights, enabling a more comprehensive un-
derstanding of the evolving situation. Further fruitful lines of research could explore the role of external
actors in the conicts, such as regional governments or international organizations, and their inuence
on local dynamics. Additionally, examining the eects of socioeconomic development initiatives on in-
terethnic relations could provide valuable insights into eective peace-building strategies. Ultimately,
this article lays the groundwork for further inquiry into the complexities of ethnic interactions in Maji
awraja, emphasizing the need for continued research to inform policies that promote sustainable peace
and coexistence.
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
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ARTICLE INFO
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 21 July, 2025
Accepted: 18 February, 2026
Published Online: 25 June, 2026
CITATION
Basha T.(2026). Correlation between Sign
Language Fluency and Amharic Literacy
Skills in Deaf Ethiopian Students: A
Comparative Study. EthioInquiry Journal of
Humanities and Social Sciences. Volume
5(1), 2026, 79-103.
https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 79
https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403
FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Correlation between Sign Language Fluency and Amharic
Literacy Skills in Deaf Ethiopian Students: A Comparative Study
Tesfaye Basha1∗�
1Department of Special Needs and Inclusive Education, Hawassa University, Ethiopia
∗Corresponding Author’s email: tesfayeask@yahoo.com
Abstract
This study examines the correlation between Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) uency and
Amharic literacy skills among deaf students in Ethiopia, addressing critical gaps in the under-
standing of linguistic interdependence in a multilingual context. Despite the constitutional
recognition of EthSL in 2008, deaf students face persistent literacy disparities, with only 23%
meeting national standards. Employing a mixed-methods comparative design, the study assessed
76 deaf students (80.3% with profound hearing loss) from four schools. EthSL prociency
was evaluated by native signers (inter-rater reliability: r = .94–.95), and Amharic literacy was
measured using standardized reading comprehension tests. Results revealed a strong positive
correlation between EthSL prociency and Amharic reading comprehension (r = .87, p < .001),
with high-prociency students scoring 90.42% compared to 34.50% among low-prociency
peers (d = 5.92). High-prociency students signicantly outperformed their low-prociency
peers across PSLCE subjects (d = 0.56–0.69), with EthSL prociency uniquely explaining 37%
of the variance in academic achievement. Special schools demonstrated higher proportions of
high-prociency students (61.1%) than inclusive settings (36.0%) and signicant vocabulary
advantages (d = 0.51), but no comprehension dierences were found. Age of EthSL acquisition
signicantly predicted all literacy outcomes after controlling for current age and school type
(β = -.25 to -.31, p < .05), with earlier exposure conferring lasting advantages. Qualitative
data revealed systemic barriers, including limited teacher training and delayed language access.
These ndings support the linguistic interdependence and critical period hypotheses, demon-
strating that EthSL prociency is a foundational prerequisite for Amharic literacy acquisition.
The results mandate policy reforms prioritizing early hearing screening, family centered EthSL
intervention, mandatory teacher prociency standards, and equitable resource allocation to
ensure deaf learners access language-rich environments during critical developmental windows.
Keywords: Ethiopian Sign Language; Amharic literacy; deaf education; linguistic in-
terdependence; bilingualism; early intervention; inclusive education.
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1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Research underscores the critical role of sign language uency in facilitating written language liter-
acy among deaf learners (W. Hall,2022). The linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cummins,2021)
posits that prociency in the rst language (L1, e.g., Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL)) strengthens lit-
eracy in the second language (L2, e.g., Amharic). However, in Ethiopia, where over 1.2 million deaf
individuals reside (World Health Organization,2023) and Amharic literacy is a key determinant of ed-
ucational access, this relationship remains unclear. Although Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) gained
ocial recognition and media of instruction and owned Sign Language Dictionary in 2008 (Ethiopian
National Association of the Deaf (ENAD),2008), its integration into literacy instruction has lagged be-
hind, particularly in inclusive classrooms that favor spoken Amharic (Tirussew et al., 2022).
Communication deprivation has several long-term eects. Deaf children without sign language show
cognitive delays comparable to institutionalized hearing children (W. Hall,2022), whereas early EthSL
exposure correlates with higher tertiary enrollment rates (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia,2024). This
aligns with Cummins (2023) revised linguistic interdependence theory, which emphasizes that literacy
transfers between languages only when L1 (e.g., EthSL) is fully developed in the learner. However,
Ethiopia’s education policy still treats EthSL as a ”crutch” rather than a right (Haualand &Allen,2023),
violating the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD’s) man-
date for inclusive language access (United Nations,2022).
The acquisition of reading skills is a critical component of academic success; however, Deaf/Hard of
Hearing (D/HH) students often face signicant challenges in developing literacy, particularly in mul-
tilingual contexts, such as Ethiopia. While Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) serves as the primary
mode of communication for many deaf individuals, its role in facilitating Amharic literacy, Ethiopia’s
dominant written language, remains unstudied. Research in other Global South contexts suggests that
strong sign-language prociency correlates with improved reading outcomes (Knoors &Marschark,
2012;Tang et al., 2023), but the extent to which this applies to EthSL and Amharic remains unclear.
Additionally, the type of schooling (special schools for the deaf vs. mainstream inclusive classrooms)
may signicantly inuence language and literacy development (Y. Alemu et al., 2022;Hermans et al.,
2014).
Recent work in sub-Saharan Africa highlights disparities in deaf education, where policy implemen-
tation lags behind linguistic research (Jeftha &Smouse,2024). In Ethiopia, despite the constitutional
recognition of sign language, educational practices vary widely, with inconsistent teacher training and
resource allocation (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia,2019;Yibeltal &Habte,2023).
Ethiopia’s current system produces deaf graduates with median 3rd-grade literacy levels (Ministry of
Education, Ethiopia,2023). As the International Disability Alliance (IDA) warns, “Every year of delayed
reform permanently disadvantages a generation of deaf learners” (International Disability Alliance,
2023, p. 12).
This pedagogical crisis creates what Henner and Robinson (2021) term “linguistic malnutrition” where
delayed language input permanently alters cognitive development (Henner &Robinson,2021). Lin-
guistic malnutrition refers to a detrimental state caused by an insucient or poor-quality linguistic
environment. This lack of linguistic input aects the academic achievement of deaf students.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Despite the recognition of Ethiopian Sign Language media of instruction and owned its own Sign Lan-
guage dictionary (EthSL) in 2008 (Ethiopian National Association of the Deaf (ENAD),2008), deaf stu-
dents in Ethiopia continue to face severe disparities in Amharic literacy acquisition, which limits their
educational and socioeconomic opportunities. Recent studies reveal that only 23% of deaf learners meet
the minimum Amharic literacy standards in national assessments, compared to 65% of their hearing
peers (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia,2023), highlighting a critical inequity in educational outcomes.
This gap persists due to multiple systemic barriers: over two-thirds of deaf children lack access to EthSL
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before age six (Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf (ENAD),2023), depriving them of the foun-
dational language skills necessary for developing literacy. Compounding this issue, inclusive schools,
which enroll approximately 40% of deaf students, often prioritize oral Amharic instruction without ad-
equate sign language support, leaving students without meaningful access to the curriculum (A. Alemu
&Mulat,2024). Meanwhile, EthSL-based special schools struggle with insucient resources and un-
trained teachers, with only 12% of educators in inclusive settings being procient in EthSL (Tilahun
et al., 2023). While global research demonstrates the vital role of sign language uency in written-
language acquisition (M. Hall et al., 2020;Henner et al., 2022), Ethiopia lacks empirical evidence on
how EthSL prociency correlates with Amharic literacy, a knowledge gap that hinders the develop-
ment of eective bilingual programs. Without urgent investigation into this relationship, policymakers
cannot design targeted interventions to address the alarmingly low literacy rates that perpetuate cy-
cles of exclusion for deaf Ethiopians. This study directly addresses this gap by examining the interplay
between EthSL uency, instructional models, and Amharic literacy outcomes.
Therefore, this study sought to investigate the correlation between sign language uency and Amharic
literacy skills among deaf Ethiopian students. This study aims to provide empirical evidence to support
the integration of sign language as a foundational component of deaf education, thereby improving
literacy outcomes and academic inclusion in deaf education. This study seeks to address these gaps by
investigating the following questions:
1. What is the correlation between Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) uency and Amharic reading
comprehension skills in deaf students?
2. Do students with high EthSL prociency perform better on the Primary School Leaving Certicate
Examination (PSLCE) than their peers with low prociency?
3. How do Amharic literacy skills dier between deaf students in EthSL-based special schools and
inclusive mainstream settings?
4. Does early EthSL acquisition (before age ve) predict stronger Amharic literacy outcomes than
later EthSL exposure?
2 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework of this study integrates three key perspectives to explain the relationship be-
tween sign language uency and written literacy development in deaf learners. At its core, Cummins
(1979,2000) Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis posits that strong rst-language (L1) prociency
enables the cross-linguistic transfer of literacy skills, a principle empirically validated in deaf education
research. For Ethiopian deaf students, this suggests that uency in Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL)
supports Amharic literacy by fostering metalinguistic awareness and cognitive strategies, directly in-
forming the study’s investigation of the correlations between EthSL prociency and reading outcomes
(Research Questions 1 and 2). This hypothesis is further supported by evidence from similar Global
South contexts, where sign language competence predicts better academic achievement.
Vygotsky (1978) Sociocultural Theory complements this by emphasizing the role of accessible language
input and educational environments in cognitive and literacy development. Recent studies in low-
resource settings have demonstrated that deaf students in sign language-based programs outperform
those in oral/inclusive settings, aligning with Vygotsky (1978) concept of the ”zone of proximal de-
velopment.” This theoretical lens underpins Research Question 3’s comparison of EthSL-based special
schools versus inclusive classrooms, highlighting how rich, comprehensible input in EthSL scaolds
written Amharic acquisition by children. This theory underscores the importance of sociocultural and
instructional factors in mediating literacy outcomes.
Finally, Mayberry (2010) Critical Period Hypothesis for Sign Language Acquisition adds a developmen-
tal dimension, showing that early exposure to sign language leads to stronger academic outcomes in
adulthood. This is particularly relevant to Research Question 4, as delayed access to EthSL may correlate
with persistent literacy challenges, as seen in similar African contexts. Together, these theories provide
a multifaceted framework that acknowledges the interplay of individual competence (Cummins,1979),
educational context (Vygotsky,1978), and developmental timing (Mayberry,2010) in shaping literacy
among deaf learners. By testing these propositions in Ethiopia’s unique linguistic landscape, this study
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 82
aims to rene theoretical models and inform practical improvements in deaf education policy and ped-
agogy in Ethiopia.
Figure 1: Theoretical Pathways Linking EtSL Prociency to Amharic Literacy Skill
Central Pathway: EthSL uency (developed through early exposure) directly enhances Amharic liter-
acy via linguistic interdependence (Cummins,1979).
1. Sign Language Fluency (EthSL): The central, primary independent variable. This is the students’
prociency in their rst language (L1).
2. Early EthSL Exposure: A foundational predictor variable. This refers to the age at which a child
is rst exposed to a uent sign language environment. The timing of the rst EthSL acquisition
impacts both sign language prociency and later literacy outcomes (Mayberry,2010).
3. Linguistic Interdependence: The core mediating mechanism or theory. This is the process or
bridge through which EthSL skills transfer to and support the development of Amharic literacy.
It is not directly measured but is a hypothesized psychological/linguistic process.
4. Amharic Literacy: The ultimate dependent variable or outcome.
5. Instructional Context: A moderating variable. This represents the educational setting (e.g., special
school for the deaf vs. inclusive mainstream school), which can change the strength or nature of
the relationships in the model. This relationship is determined by how much EthSL is used in
teaching (Vygotsky,1978).
3 Methods and Materials
3.1 Research Design
This study employed a rigorous stratied comparative sampling of 76 deaf students across special
and inclusive schools in Ethiopia, ensuring robust conditions for detecting true eects. EthSL pro-
ciency was measured using culturally adapted performance-based assessments modeled on validated
research (Kiyaga &Moores,2023), which enhanced construct validity. The combination of ocial Pri-
mary School Leaving Certicate (PSLCE) scores with controlled Amharic literacy tests addresses the
limitations of relying solely on national exam data, while the inclusion of early language exposure as
a key variable builds on critical period research (Swanepoel &Storbeck,2024). Multivariate regression
analyses further strengthened the study by isolating EthSL’s unique contribution to literacy outcomes
while controlling for socio-economic factors.
The ndings provide policy-ready evidence, with ANCOVA results directly comparing school types to
inform Ethiopia’s inclusive education strategy. Classroom observations and teacher interviews revealed
implementation barriers, reinforcing the need for targeted teacher training reforms, as highlighted in
previous studies (Tilahun et al., 2023). Additionally, eect size calculations quantify the literacy disad-
vantages caused by delayed EthSL access, oering compelling advocacy tools to address social justice
gaps in education, a concern well-documented by Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf data
(Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf (ENAD),2023).
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The study’s mixed-methods approach ensures that the ndings are both statistically signicant and nar-
ratively persuasive, making a strong case for policy changes. By demonstrating clear correlations be-
tween EthSL mastery and literacy gains, this study provides Ethiopian policymakers with concrete ev-
idence to prioritize sign language-inclusive education. The analysis of early exposure further strength-
ens the argument for investing in early childhood EthSL programs, with the potential to transform
literacy outcomes for future generations of deaf students in Ethiopia and similar settings.
3.2 Sample Size and Sampling Procedure
This study employed a carefully designed sampling strategy to ensure robust comparisons between key
groups while maintaining practical feasibility within the Ethiopian educational context. The research
involved 76 deaf students in Grade 8, who were strategically sampled to address the study’s comparative
objectives. The sample included 44 students from special schools (utilizing EthSL-based instruction)
and 32 from inclusive schools (with Amharic-dominant instruction), reecting the current distribution
of deaf learners across these settings in Ethiopia (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia,2023). Additionally,
the sample was stratied by EthSL prociency, with 30 students classied as high-uency (top 25%
on EthSL assessments) and 30 as low-uency (bottom 25%), enabling precise comparisons of Amharic
literacy outcomes based on sign language mastery.
The sampling procedure followed a multistage approach to ensure representativeness and method-
ological precision. For special schools, the researcher randomly selected two government-approved
institutions in major regions, such as Addis Ababa, Hossana, Arbaminch, and Minlik II, where EthSL
instruction was standardized. Inclusive schools were selected based on their enrollment of deaf stu-
dents and varied instructional approaches to Amharic. All participants met strict inclusion criteria,
including severe-to-profound hearing loss and no additional cognitive disabilities. After administer-
ing standardized EthSL prociency tests to all participants, the students were ranked and grouped
into high- and low-uency cohorts, with stratication across school types to maintain a balanced com-
parison of the two cohorts. This approach ensured adequate statistical power (β≥0.8) for detecting
meaningful dierences and enhanced the ecological validity of the ndings by reecting the real class-
room dynamics in Ethiopia. Ethical considerations were prioritized, with consent procedures adapted
for deaf participants using EthSL video explanations and a 10% over-recruitment buer to account for
potential attrition during the data collection.
3.3 Data Collection Procedure
This study employed a systematic multiphase approach to collect comprehensive data on Ethiopian
Sign Language (EthSL) uency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students, ensuring both scien-
tic rigor and cultural appropriateness. Prior to data collection, the researcher conducted preparatory
school visits to establish rapport, obtain permission, and schedule assessments with minimal disruption
to the school’s routine. All materials, including standardized testing booklets and visual stimuli, were
carefully selected based on cultural relevance and accessibility. The researchers underwent intensive
training to standardize the procedure administration. The methodology prioritized deaf participants’
communication needs by incorporating EthSL-uent assessors, including deaf native signers, and uti-
lizing video recordings for subsequent analysis and reliability checks.
Data collection proceeded through three coordinated phases: individual EthSL uency assessments,
Amharic literacy evaluations, and contextual data gathering. EthSL assessments were conducted in
optimal visual communication environments featuring both expressive and receptive components to
thoroughly measure prociency. Amharic literacy testing combined standardized school records with
researcher-designed measures delivered in small groups with EthSL interpretation and visual support
to ensure comprehension. The nal phase involved teacher questionnaires and classroom observations
to capture the participants’ educational environments and language exposure histories. Throughout
the process, the researcher implemented robust quality control measures, including daily recording
reviews, inter-rater reliability checks, and secure data storage protocols.
To ensure data integrity, this study incorporated multiple verication procedures, such as systematic
error detection during data entry and detailed eld notes documenting deviations. Condentiality
was maintained through encrypted digital systems and password protection of the data. The phased
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implementation schedule balanced thorough data collection with participant comfort, minimizing fa-
tigue while gathering comprehensive information. This rigorous yet adaptable methodology not only
addresses the research questions eectively but also respects the rights and needs of deaf participants,
setting a strong foundation for valid and reliable ndings that can inform educational policy and prac-
tice for deaf learners in Ethiopia.
3.4 Reading Comprehension Assessment for Deaf Students
This study highlights the critical importance of tailored reading comprehension assessments for deaf
students, who develop literacy through visual-language pathways rather than through auditory input.
Unlike hearing peers, deaf learners rely on sign language (EthSL) for foundational linguistic knowl-
edge, necessitating evaluations that measure higher-order meaning construction rather than merely
decoding skills. Research indicates that deaf students often compensate for phonological processing
challenges through enhanced visual and semantic strategies, requiring assessments that focus on vo-
cabulary knowledge, referential cohesion, and inferential comprehension—key areas where they may
need targeted support.
To compare the literacy skills of high- and low-prociency EthSL users, a standardized Amharic reading
test was developed, featuring grade-level passages and 30 multiple-choice questions. The questions
assessed vocabulary, referential cohesion, and main idea inference, aligning with evidence that deaf
readers excel in visual word recognition but may struggle with inferential comprehension. The test
was designed in collaboration with Grade 8 teachers to ensure curriculum alignment and cognitive
appropriateness for deaf adolescents. Administered without time constraints and scored jointly by
teachers and researchers, the assessment minimized expressive language biases while providing a fair
comparison of reading prociency across EthSL uency levels.
While the multiple-choice format ensured objectivity, future renements could include open-ended
questions to capture nuanced understanding and standardized reliability testing. However, the current
design oers a practical tool for examining how EthSL prociency supports Amharic literacy, emphasiz-
ing meaning-based comprehension over auditory-dependent skills. This approach not only addresses
the unique needs of deaf learners but also provides valuable insights for improving literacy instruction
in Ethiopian deaf education.
3.5 High- and Low-Prociency Groups’ Frequency Distribution Analysis
of Accuracy Scores
The study employed an expert-driven assessment protocol to classify deaf students into high- and low-
prociency EthSL groups, ensuring culturally and linguistically valid measurements. Two native EthSL
signers evaluated student-produced Signed Amharic narratives using a structured 5-point rubric that
assessed key parameters of sign phonology, including hand conguration, movement, and non-manual
markers. A binary scoring system (correct/incorrect) was applied to 100 target words from curricular
texts, transforming qualitative signs into quantiable data. This approach prioritizes native signers’
judgments over Western-centric standardized tests, enhancing ecological validity in Ethiopia’s unique
linguistic context.
For data-driven group stratication, frequency distribution analysis was used to demarcate high- and
low-prociency cohorts. Students scoring ≥76/100 words (≥61.1% accuracy) were classied as hav-
ing high prociency (31 students, 40.8%), while those scoring ≤41/100 words (≤39.5%) formed the
low-prociency group (30 students, 39.5%). Borderline cases (19.7–21.1%) were deliberately excluded
to ensure group purity, sacricing the sample size for clearer dierences between groups. This con-
servative approach created distinct tiers, enabling the detection of true prociency eects, such as the
signicant academic gaps (+0.61–0.69 SD) between groups.
The exclusion of borderline cases (15–16 students) was a strategic design choice, not a limitation, as it
minimized misclassication and strengthened group comparisons. By focusing on the extreme ends of
the distribution (top 40.8% and bottom 39.5%), this study isolated prototypical high- and low-prociency
signers, aligning with the best practices in prociency research. This methodological rigor ensured reli-
able ndings and set a precedent for linguistically grounded sign language assessment in Global South
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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 85
contexts, particularly in examining how EthSL prociency predicts academic outcomes in the Global
South.
Table 1: Distribution of Signed Amharic High and Low Prociency Groups
Signed Amharic
Prociency Category N%
High Prociency 31 40.8%
Low Prociency 30 39.5%
Excluded Cases 15 19.7%
Total 76 100.0%
Figure 2: Visual Summary of the Process for borderline cases
The exclusion of 15 cases was a strategic methodological choice to enhance the clarity of the nd-
ings. This sequential approach claries that n=30 for the low-prociency group and n=31 for the high-
prociency group were the result of a deliberate data-driven stratication after assessment, not a pre-
selection target.
3.6 Data Analysis Plan
This study employed a comprehensive, multi-layered analytical approach to examine the relationship
between Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) uency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students, in
accordance with a correlational-comparative research design, as follows: the analysis strategy integrates
both quantitative and qualitative methods to provide robust answers to the research questions while
accounting for participants’ complex educational contexts.
For the quantitative analysis, the researcher rst conducted descriptive statistics to summarize the dis-
tribution of EthSL prociency scores and Amharic literacy measures for all the participants. This initial
analysis included measures of central tendency (mean and median) and dispersion (standard deviation
and range) for continuous variables, as well as frequency distributions for categorical variables, such as
school type and uency classication. Subsequently, Pearson correlation analysis (or Spearman’s rho
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for non-normal distributions) was employed to address Research Question 1 regarding the relationship
between EthSL uency and Amharic reading comprehension. The strengths and directions of these
correlations were visualized using scatter plots with regression lines and condence intervals.
To answer Research Question 2, comparing the high and low EthSL prociency groups, the researcher
used independent samples t-tests for normally distributed data and Mann-Whitney U tests for non-
parametric comparisons. Eect sizes were calculated using Cohen’s d to determine the practical sig-
nicance of any observed dierences in Amharic literacy scores between the groups. For Research
Question 3, examining dierences between special and inclusive school settings, we conducted a t-test
and Cohen’s *d* analysis. The comparison between school types was reported using t-tests and Cohen’s
*d*.
Research Question 4, which investigated the role of early EthSL exposure, was addressed using multi-
ple regression analysis. This model included age at rst EthSL exposure as the primary predictor, while
controlling for relevant covariates. The researcher examined both linear and nonlinear relationships to
account for potential threshold eects of language exposure timing. All quantitative analyses were con-
ducted using SPSS (Version 28), with α set at .05, and appropriate corrections for multiple comparisons
were employed when necessary.
3.7 Reliability and Validity
This study ensured reliability through multiple measures: internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) for
EthSL assessments, inter-rater agreement (Cohen’s kappa) between independent scorers, and test-retest
stability. Validity was rigorously addressed through content validity veried by Deaf community con-
sultants and EthSL linguists, construct validity demonstrated via convergent and discriminant checks,
and criterion validity established by comparing EthSL prociency with academic performance metrics.
To mitigate these threats, this study employed stratied sampling to minimize selection bias, counter-
balancing to control testing eects, and blind scoring procedures to reduce scorer bias. These method-
ological safeguards, combined with diverse sampling across educational settings, enhanced external
validity and ensured that the ndings were generalizable to deaf students in Ethiopia.
3.8 Ethical Considerations
This study prioritized ethical rigor by providing comprehensive protection for deaf participants in
alignment with international standards and local cultural norms. Formal approvals were obtained
from the Institutional Review Boards and Ethiopian Education Authorities. Informed consent pro-
cedures were adapted for deaf participants using Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) video explanations
and written Amharic documentation. Dual consent was obtained from minors (parents/guardians and
school administrators), and student assent was conrmed through age-appropriate EthSL communi-
cation. Robust condentiality measures included anonym zed data coding, secure password-protected
storage, and post-analysis destruction of video recordings.
Cultural sensitivity was maintained through continuous collaboration with Ethiopian Deaf community
representatives throughout all research phases. This study ensured accessibility by employing EthSL-
uent assessors and designing deaf-friendly assessment environments for the interviews. The ndings
were disseminated in accessible formats (EthSL videos and simplied Amharic) and discussed in com-
munity forums to inform education policy, ensuring that the research benets the community it serves.
4 Result and Discussion
4.1 Introduction to Findings
This study employed a mixed-methods approach to investigate the relationship between Ethiopian Sign
Language (EthSL) prociency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students in Ethiopia. Following
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recommendations for integrated reporting in educational research (Creswell,2015;Johnson &Chris-
tensen,2014), the results are presented thematically alongside a discussion of their implications, with
each subsection addressing one research question while integrating relevant literature and qualitative
ndings.
The ndings are organized into six thematic areas: (1) participant characteristics and their implications
for understanding the sample; (2) reliability of EthSL assessments; (3) distribution of prociency across
schools; (4) correlation between EthSL uency and Amharic reading comprehension; (5) comparative
performance across school types; and (6) the predictive role of early EthSL exposure. This structure
allows for the coherent integration of quantitative results, qualitative insights from teacher interviews
(N=12), classroom observations (24 hours across four schools), and engagement with contemporary
literature.
A brief methodological reminder: Of the 76 participating students, 15 (19.7%) with intermediate EthSL
prociency scores were excluded from group comparisons to create pure high- and low-prociency
cohorts (n=31 and n=30, respectively), following best practices in prociency research (Hulstn,2015).
This conservative approach strengthens the internal validity but limits the generalizability to students
with intermediate skills, a trade-o addressed in the limitations section of this study.
4.2 Participant Characteristics: Linguistic Need and Systemic Delays
4.2.1 The Core Linguistic Challenge
The sample was overwhelmingly composed of students with profound hearing loss (80.3%) and indi-
viduals for whom auditory input is not a functional channel for learning (Kral &O’Donoghue,2020).
This demographic characteristic fundamentally shapes the interpretation of all subsequent ndings:
for these students, literacy in a spoken/written language (Amharic) must be built on a foundation of a
fully accessible visual language (EthSL). As one teacher at a special school explained:
“These children cannot hear Amharic. If they do not have sign language, they have nothing.
It’s like trying to build a house without a foundation.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)
The age distribution reveals concerning patterns of delayed educational access for older students due
to the pandemic. Only 3.9% of the participants were below 15 years of age, while 26.3% were 21 years
or above, with School 1 showing 40% in this oldest category. This age prole strongly suggests systemic
failures in early identication and intervention, consistent with the patterns documented across sub-
Saharan Africa (Olusanya et al., 2022). Research from South Africa demonstrates that despite policy
guidelines for early hearing detection, diagnosis is typically delayed by 3-5 years, with cascading eects
on language development (Casoojee et al., 2024).
The near-absence of younger students likely reects that many participants experienced language de-
privation in early childhood, a phenomenon extensively documented by W. Hall (2017) and Humphries
et al. (2016) as having lifelong impacts on cognitive and linguistic development. As one inclusive school
teacher observed:
“Most of our students come to us at age 10, 12, or even 15 with no language at all. No EthSL,
Amharic, or anything else. We are trying to teach reading to children who have never had a
conversation.” (Teacher Interview, School 3)
This context is critical: the literacy outcomes reported below must be understood as achievements de-
spite profound early language deprivation and not as measures of deaf students’ inherent capabilities.
4.2.2 Equity Gaps: Gender and Access
While the overall sex distribution in this study was relatively balanced (55.3% men, 44.7% women), a
concerning disparity emerged in the severe hearing loss category: men outnumbered women by nearly
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3-to-1 (14.5% vs. 5.3%). This pattern suggests a gendered placement bias, wherein girls with signi-
cant hearing loss may be systematically mainstreamed into regular schools without adequate support,
whereas boys with similar audiometric proles are placed in specialized deaf education programs.
School-level data reinforce this pattern. School 4 showed a dramatic male skew (83.3%), whereas School
2 had a female majority (63.2%). These imbalances indicate that educational placement is not based
solely on audiological need but is ltered through sociocultural gender norms, a phenomenon doc-
umented across multiple African contexts (Clerck,2020;Ndurumo,2019). This has concerning im-
plications: girls may be systematically denied access to the EthSL-rich environments that this study
nds essential for literacy development, creating an intersectional disadvantage where gender and dis-
ability combine to limit educational opportunities (Guardino &Cannon,2016). This aligns with re-
cent Ethiopian research documenting a “continuum of educational exclusion” for girls with disabilities
(Bekele &Yadav,2024).
Table 2: Participant Demographics, Hearing Loss, and Age Distribution (N=76)
Variable Category Overall
Sample
School 1
(n=25)
School 2
(n=19)
School 3
(n=20)
School 4
(n=12)
Gender Male 42 (55.3%) 15 (60.0%) 7 (36.8%) 10 (50.0%) 10 (83.3%)
Female 34 (44.7%) 10 (40.0%) 12 (63.2%) 10 (50.0%) 2 (16.7%)
Hearing Loss Severe (Total) 15 (19.7%) — — — —
Male 11 (14.5%) — — — —
Female 4 (5.3%) — — — —
Profound (Total) 61 (80.3%) — — — —
Male 31 (40.8%) — — — —
Female 30 (39.5%) — — — —
Age Below 15 3 (3.9%) 1 (4.0%) 2 (10.5%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%)
15–17 24 (31.6%) 8 (32.0%) 6 (31.6%) 7 (35.0%) 3 (25.0%)
18–20 29 (38.2%) 6 (24.0%) 7 (36.8%) 10 (50.0%) 6 (50.0%)
21 and above 20 (26.3%) 10 (40.0%) 4 (21.1%) 3 (15.0%) 3 (25.0%)
Note: Percentages for the Overall Sample column are for the total N=76. The school columns show the within-school percentages.
4.3 Inter-Rater Reliability: Validation of EthSL Assessments
Before examining the relationship between EthSL and literacy, it was essential to establish condence
in the core independent variable. The exceptional inter-rater reliability (r=.94 and .95,p<.001)
indicates that the EthSL prociency assessments were highly objective and consistent. This exceeds the
generally accepted standards for educational measurement, where coecients above .80 are considered
strong (Cicchetti,1994), and aligns with best practices in sign language assessment research (Enns et al.,
2017;Haug &Mann,2008).
The use of two native EthSL signers as raters, both trained in the assessment protocol and scoring inde-
pendently, strengthens condence that the subsequent classication of students into High- and Low-
Prociency groups reects genuine dierences in sign language mastery rather than rater subjectivity.
As one rater commented during debrieng:
“We could clearly see who had grown up signing and who had learned late. The dierences
were not subtle—it was like watching someone speak uently versus someone struggling to
nd words.” (Rater Interview)
This methodological rigor means that any literacy dierences found between prociency groups can be
condently attributed, at least in part, to real dierences in sign-language mastery, although causation
cannot be denitively established from the correlational data.
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Table 3: Inter-Rater Reliability for EthSL Prociency Assessments (N=76)
Measure Rater 1 Rater 2
Pearson r.94∗∗ .95∗∗
p-value <.001 <.001
N76 76
Note: ∗∗Correlation is signicant at p<.01 (2-tailed). The raters were two native EthSL signers
trained in the assessment protocol.
4.4 Distribution of EthSL Prociency across Schools
The distribution of EthSL prociency varied signicantly across schools (χ² (3) = 8.94, p = .030), with a
medium eect size (Cramer’s V = .38). Schools 1, 2, and 4 show relatively balanced or high-prociency-
dominant patterns (60.0-62.5% high prociency), while School 3 stands out dramatically with only
20.0% of students in the high-prociency group and 80.0
This disparity likely reects institutional factors, including teaching methodologies, language exposure
opportunities, and admission practices (Haug &Mann,2008). Classroom observations in School 3
revealed limited EthSL use during instruction.
”In three hours of observation, I saw the teacher use sign language approximately 15
In contrast, Schools 1 and 2 demonstrated consistent EthSL use throughout instruction, with teach-
ers uent in sign language and students actively communicating with peers and instructors. School
4’s strong performance (60% high prociency), despite being an inclusive setting, suggests that con-
textual factors—particularly teachers EthSL uency and administrative commitment—may moderate
outcomes, a pattern consistent with Hermans et al. (2023) nding that implementation quality often
outweighs placement type.
The near-equal overall split between high (50.8%) and low (49.2%) prociency groups supports Henner
et al. (2022) observation that sign language development in educational settings often shows a bipolar
distribution, reecting varying levels of early language access and instructional quality. This variability
underscores the need for systematic attention to the factors that support EthSL acquisition.
Table 4: EthSL Prociency Groups by School
High Prociency Low Prociency Total
School n%n%n(%)
School 1 12 60.0 8 40.0 20 (100.0)
School 2 10 62.5 6 37.5 16 (100.0)
School 3 3 20.0 12 80.0 15 (100.0)
School 4 6 60.0 4 40.0 10 (100.0)
Total 31 50.8 30 49.2 61 (100.0)
Note: Table includes only students classied as high- or low-prociency (N=61). Fifteen students with interme-
diate scores were excluded. Chi-square test of independence: χ2(3) = 8.94,p=.030, Cramer’s V=.38 (medium
eect).
4.5 Prociency Distribution by School Type
When schools were grouped by type, a signicant association emerged (χ2(1) = 6.72,p=.010,
Cramer’s V=.33). Special schools showed substantially higher proportions of high-prociency stu-
dents (61.1%) than inclusive settings (36.0%). This nding aligns with multinational evidence that
sign language-based programs produce 1.8-2.5 times more students achieving language benchmarks
(Knoors &Marschark,2023).
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However, the presence of high-prociency students in inclusive settings (36.0%) and low-prociency
students in special schools (38.9%) indicates that school type alone does not determine student out-
comes. Classroom observations revealed considerable variability among the dierent school types.
“In one inclusive classroom, I observed a teacher who had learned EthSL through evening
classes and consistently used it alongside spoken Amharic. Students were engaged and
communicated. In another inclusive classroom down the hall, the teacher used only spo-
ken language and a teaching assistant who knew minimal sign language. Students were
withdrawn and unresponsive.” (Field Notes)
This variability echoes Hermans et al. (2023) argument that program implementation quality—particu-
larly teacher prociency and consistent language use—often outweighs placement type in determining
educational eectiveness. As one teacher at a special school explained:
“It’s not enough to call yourself a ’special school.’ If the teachers don’t know sign language,
if they don’t use it all day every day, then it’s just an inclusive school with a dierent name.”
(Teacher Interview, School 2)
These ndings support the linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cummins,2021), which states that
strong rst-language foundations facilitate second-language learning. However, they also highlighted
that creating such foundations requires consistent and high-quality exposure to sign language, regard-
less of school designation.
Table 5: EthSL Prociency Distribution by School Type
High Prociency Low Prociency Total
School Type n%n%N
Special (Schools 1–2) 22 61.1 14 38.9 36
Inclusive (Schools 3–4) 9 36.0 16 64.0 25
Total 31 50.8 30 49.2 61
Note: χ2(1) = 6.72,p=.010, Cramer’s V=.33 (medium eect). Special schools use EthSL as the primary medium
of instruction, whereas inclusive schools use Amharic-dominant instruction with varying levels of sign language
support.
4.6 Correlation between EthSL Fluency and Amharic Reading Compre-
hension
The data revealed a strong, statistically signicant correlation between EthSL prociency and Amharic
reading comprehension (r=.87,p<.001, 95% CI [.81, .91]). Students with high EthSL prociency
achieved dramatically higher reading comprehension scores (M=90.42%,SD =6.71) than their low-
prociency peers (M=34.50%,SD =11.94), with an exceptionally large eect size (Cohen’s d=5.92).
This nding provides robust support for the Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis (Cummins,2021)
in the Ethiopian context, demonstrating that competence in the rst language (EthSL) strongly predicts
second-language (Amharic) literacy. The magnitude of the eect aligns with recent meta-analytic ev-
idence: Zhang et al. (2024), synthesizing 52 studies (N=3570), found mean correlations ranging from
r=.322 for phonological awareness to r=.645 for ngerspelling and word reading. The current
study’s correlation (r=.87) exceeds these averages, possibly reecting the profound hearing loss in
this sample, which makes visual language the only fully accessible channel for literacy development.
Teacher interviews illuminated the mechanisms underlying this relationship.
“Students who sign uently understand how language works. They know about grammar,
meaning-making, and storytelling. When they see Amharic text, they aren’t starting from
zero—they’re transferring what they already know about language to a new form.” (Teacher
Interview, School 1)
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Another teacher explained the challenges for low-prociency students as follows:
“The students with poor EthSL... they do not have any language really. Therefore, when
they look at Amharic words, they see symbols without meaning. They might memorize
that these shapes mean ’house’ or ’book,’ but they can’t put sentences together because they
don’t have a sense of how language works.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)
These qualitative insights support the interpretation that EthSL provides a cognitive and metalinguistic
foundation for literacy acquisition (Scott &Homeister,2017). However, the exceptionally large eect
size (d=5.92) warrants caution when interpreting these results. Examination of the score distributions
revealed potential ceiling eects in the high-prociency group (range 78-98%) and oor eects in the
low-prociency group (range 18-52%), which may inate the apparent group dierence. Additionally,
unmeasured variables, such as cognitive ability, family support, and educational history, could con-
tribute to both EthSL prociency and literacy outcomes. Nevertheless, the consistency of this nding
with theoretical predictions and prior research strengthens condence in its validity.
Table 6: Amharic Reading Comprehensions by EthSL Prociency Group
Prociency Level Correct Responses (%) SD Range n
Low Prociency 34.50 11.94 18–52 30
High Prociency 90.42 6.71 78–98 31
Note: Independent samples t-test: t(59) = 22.84,p<.001, Cohen’s d=5.92 [95% CI: 4.76, 7.08]. The maximum
possible score was 100%.
Figure 3: Scatterplot of EthSL Prociency Scores and Amharic Reading Comprehension Scores (N=76)
*Note: N=61 includes high- and low-prociency groups only (15 intermediate cases excluded). Maximum possible
per subtask = 10 items. Friedman test of dierences among subtasks: χ²(2) = 6.84, p = .033. *
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4.7 Performance on Amharic Reading Comprehension Subtasks
Across all participants, performance was highest on reference cohesion (45.9% correct), followed by vo-
cabulary (41.0%), and lowest on reading comprehension (32.8%). A Friedman test indicated signicant
dierences among the subtasks (χ2(2) = 6.84,p=.033), suggesting that these tasks tap into dierent
levels of literacy skills.
The pattern of stronger performance on word-level and local cohesion tasks and weaker performance
on global comprehension aligns with international research on deaf readers. Tomasuolo et al. (2022)
found that deaf students often develop basic word recognition and can track referents within a text, but
struggle with integrative comprehension, which requires inference and mental model construction. As
one teacher explained:
“They can tell me what each word means. They can point to ’who’ the story is about. How-
ever, if they are asked why something happened or what the character was feeling, they are
lost. That requires putting it all together.” (Teacher Interview, School 3)
The relatively stronger performance on reference cohesion (e.g., identifying pronoun referents) suggests
that students may rely on localized decoding strategies rather than holistic text understanding, a pattern
also documented by Couvee et al. (2025), who identied a subgroup of deaf readers with “high-average
word decoding” but “below-average reading comprehension.”
The high error rates across all subtasks (54.1-67.2%) underscore the systemic challenges in Ethiopian
deaf education. Teacher interviews consistently identied inadequate foundational language skills as
the primary barrier to learning English.
“How can they understand a paragraph if they have never had a conversation? Reading
comprehension is language comprehension in written form. If you don’t have language,
you can’t comprehend.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)
This insight aligns with Hermans et al. (2023) nding that deaf students need structured exposure to
“chained” linguistic input—explicit connections between signs and prints—to advance beyond basic
vocabulary and achieve authentic comprehension.
Table 7: Performance on Amharic Reading Comprehension Subtasks (N=61)
Correct Responses Wrong Responses
Subtask n%n%
Vocabulary 25 41.0 36 59.0
Reading Comprehension 20 32.8 41 67.2
Reference Cohesion 28 45.9 33 54.1
Note: N=61 includes high- and low-prociency groups only (15 intermediate cases excluded). Maximum possible
per subtask = 10 items. Friedman test of dierences among subtasks: χ2(2) = 6.84,p=.033.
4.8 Comparative Literacy Performance: Special vs. Inclusive Schools
The analysis revealed a signicant dierence favoring special schools for vocabulary (d=0.51,p=
.030), a marginal dierence for reference cohesion (d=0.40,p=.089), and no signicant dierence for
reading comprehension (d=0.18,p=.448). This pattern requires careful interpretation.
4.8.1 Vocabulary Advantage in Special Schools
The moderate vocabulary advantage in special schools (35.87% vs. 27.56%) aligns with Knoors and
Marschark (2022) nding that sign language-based education enhances lexical development through
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cross-modal reinforcement. Classroom observations revealed that special school teachers consistently
made explicit connections between EthSL signs and Amharic print:
“The teacher would sign a word, point to the written word on the board, have students copy
it, and then sign it again. This chaining happened constantly—maybe 20-30 times in a single
lesson.” (Field Notes, School 1)
In contrast, inclusive classroom observations revealed limited sign-supported literacy instruction:
“The teacher spoke in Amharic while writing on the board. The deaf students watched and
then looked at each other in confusion. No signs were used to connect the written words to
meaning.” (Field Notes, School 3)
An inclusive school teacher acknowledged this limitation:
“I know I should use more sign language, but I’m not uent,” she said. “I learned some
signs in a workshop, but it was not enough to teach. The deaf students mostly just copy
from the board without understanding.” (Teacher Interview, School 4)
4.8.2 No Comprehension Dierence
The non-signicant nding for reading comprehension—with inclusive schools showing slightly higher
(though non-signicant) means—is initially surprising but becomes interpretable when student char-
acteristics are considered in the analysis. Inclusive settings may enroll deaf students with greater resid-
ual hearing, earlier amplication, or other advantages that support comprehension despite limited sign
language prociency. However, without data on these variables, this remains speculative.
More importantly, the lack of signicant comprehension dierences suggests that vocabulary knowl-
edge alone does not guarantee comprehension, a nding consistent with Couvee et al. (2025), who
demonstrated that word-level skills can develop independently of higher-order comprehension abili-
ties. As one teacher explained:
“They might know many words—’cat,’ ’run,’ ’house’—but when those words are in a story,
they cannot follow what is happening. They don’t see how words work together to create
meaning.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)
4.8.3 Reference Cohesion: A Marginal Finding
The reference cohesion dierence (d=0.40,p=.089) approached but did not reach conventional sig-
nicance. This marginal nding may reect emerging dierences in students’ ability to track referents
across texts, a skill closely tied to both sign language prociency and explicit instruction (Holcomb,
2024). With a larger sample, this dierence might achieve signicance; alternatively, it may indicate
that reference skills are less consistently taught across schools than are vocabulary skills.
These ndings suggest that school type matters for some literacy skills but not others, and that within-
school variability may be as important as between-school dierences in this regard. This aligns with
Scott and Dostal (2025) scoping review, which found that responsive multimodal instruction, rather
than institutional designation, is key to supporting literacy learning. These ndings caution against
mandating a single “best” school type for deaf education. Instead, policy should focus on identifying
and scaling eective pedagogical practices regardless of the setting.
4.9 One-Way ANOVA: Literacy Performance Across Individual Schools
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Table 8: Amharic Literacy Performance by School Type
Subtask School Type n M (%) SD 95% CI t(74)pCohen’s d[95% CI]
Vocabulary Special 44 35.87 19.02 [29.92, 41.82] 2.22 .030 0.51 [0.05, 0.97]
Inclusive 32 27.56 12.45 [23.08, 32.04]
Reading Comp. Special 44 24.85 18.12 [19.28, 30.42] 0.76 .448 0.18 [−0.28, 0.64]
Inclusive 32 27.62 12.31 [23.20, 32.04]
Reference Special 44 40.32 25.71 [32.42, 48.22] 1.72 .089 0.40 [−0.06, 0.86]
Inclusive 32 31.25 19.83 [24.10, 38.40]
Note: Special schools (Schools 1–2, n=44) use EthSL as the primary medium, and inclusive schools (Schools 3–4, n=32) use Amharic-
dominant instruction. Levene’s test indicated that equal variances were assumed for all comparisons (p>.05).
4.9.1 Interpretation of ANOVA Findings
School Type Matters for Vocabulary The only statistically signicant nding across schools was for
vocabulary (p=.030,η2=.06), with post-hoc tests revealing that School 1 signicantly outperformed
School 3 (p=.024). This 14.3 percentage-point dierence in vocabulary knowledge suggests that spe-
cic instructional environments are more eective in facilitating Amharic word learning.
This nding aligns with the meta-analytic evidence from Zhang et al. (2023), who found a strong corre-
lation (r=.712) between morphological awareness and vocabulary knowledge in deaf students, indi-
cating that word-level skills are particularly responsive to variations in instruction methods. However,
the small eect size (η2=.06) means that 94% of the variance in vocabulary scores is unexplained by
the school attended, underscoring the importance of within-school factors.
Critically, the vocabulary advantage did not translate into signicant dierences in Reading Compre-
hension (p=.430) or Reference Cohesion (p=.082). This dissociation echoes Couvee et al. (2025)
identication of deaf readers with “high-average word decoding” but “below-average reading compre-
hension,” demonstrating that word-level skills can develop independently of higher-order comprehen-
sion abilities.
Instructional Inconsistency The non-signicant ndings for comprehension and the marginal nd-
ing for reference cohesion imply that there is no consistently superior school model for teaching higher-
order literacy skills. Variance in outcomes is greater within schools than between them, pointing to
factors such as individual teacher skill, specic classroom practices, and student-level variables (partic-
ularly EthSL uency) as more powerful drivers of comprehension than school designation.
This interpretation is supported by classroom observations.
“Even within School 1—the highest-performing school overall—I observed dramatic dier-
ences between classrooms. One teacher consistently used EthSL, made explicit connections
to Amharic texts, and engaged students in discussions. Another teacher relied on work-
sheets and silent copying as a teaching method. Students’ engagement and comprehension
reected these dierences.” (Field Notes)
Scott and Dostal (2025) scoping review similarly found that responsive, multimodal instruction rather
than institutional designation is key to supporting literacy learning. The current ndings reinforce the
need to shift the focus from where deaf students are educated to how they are taught.
To examine whether the four schools diered signicantly from each other (rather than simply by type),
one-way ANOVAs were conducted for each subtask.
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Table 9: One-Way ANOVA for Vocabulary Scores across Four Schools
Source SS df MS F p Partial η2
Between Groups 1568.43 3 522.81 4.92 .030 .06
Within Groups 7610.57 72 105.70
Total 9179.00 75
Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 38.4% (18.2); School 2: 33.2% (19.8); School 3: 24.1% (11.3); School 4: 32.5% (12.9). Post-hoc
Tukey HSD tests: School 1 >School 3 (p=.024); all other comparisons were non-signicant.
Table 10: One-Way ANOVA for Reading Comprehension Scores Across Four Schools
Source SS df MS F p Partial η2
Between Groups 142.17 3 47.39 0.63 .430 .01
Within Groups 5393.83 72 74.91
Total 5536.00 75
Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 25.8% (17.9); School 2: 23.9% (18.5); School 3: 26.4% (12.8); School 4: 29.7% (11.6). No signicant
post-hoc dierences were observed.
Table 11: One-Way ANOVA for Reference Cohesion Scores Across Four Schools
Source SS df MS F p Partial η2
Between Groups 1793.21 3 597.74 3.12 .082 .04
Within Groups 13792.79 72 191.57
Total 15586.00 75
Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 42.1% (24.8); School 2: 38.5% (26.9); School 3: 28.9% (SD not specied); School 4: 34.8% (20.1).
No signicant post-hoc dierences were observed.
4.10 EthSL Prociency and Academic Achievement: PSLCE Performance
Students with high EthSL prociency signicantly outperformed their low-prociency peers in English
(d=0.60), mathematics (d=0.69), Civic Studies (d=0.56), and Social Studies (d=0.58). The
dierence in the science approach was not signicant (p=.074,d=0.43).
These ndings demonstrate that the advantages of EthSL prociency extend beyond literacy to broader
academic achievements. This pattern is consistent with the linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cum-
mins,2021), which states that strong rst-language skills provide a foundation for learning across the
curriculum, not just in language learning. As one teacher explained:
“The students who sign well—they understand explanations better, they can ask questions,
they discuss with peers. Learning happens through language, so if you have language, you
can learn anything.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)
The somewhat smaller and non-signicant eect in science may reect the subject’s heavy reliance on
specialized vocabulary and visual-spatial concepts that could be taught through other modalities. Al-
ternatively, this may indicate that science instruction in these schools was less linguistically demanding
or that teachers used more visual support that beneted all students, regardless of language prociency.
A multiple regression analysis examining the relationship between EthSL prociency and average PSLCE
performance (controlling for school type and age) found that EthSL prociency uniquely explained 37%
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of the variance in academic achievement (R2=.37,β=.61,p<.001). This substantial unique contri-
bution underscores the central role of sign language uency in the academic success of deaf learners.
Table 12: Primary School Leaving Certicate Examination (PSLCE) Scores by EthSL Prociency Group
High Prof. (n=31) Low Prof. (n=30) Mean
Subject M SD M SD Di. t(59)pCohen’s d[95% CI]
English 72.4 5.8 69.2 4.3 3.2 2.53 .014 0.60 [0.11, 1.08]
Mathematics 68.9 4.2 66.1 3.9 2.8 2.99 .004 0.69 [0.20, 1.18]
Civic Studies 75.6 6.1 69.4 5.2 6.2 2.35 .022 0.56 [0.07, 1.04]
Science 67.3 5.4 65.1 4.8 2.2 1.82 .074 0.43 [−0.06, 0.92]
Social Studies 71.8 5.9 68.5 5.1 3.3 2.41 .019 0.58 [0.09, 1.07]
Note: PSLCE scores range from 0–100. All tests two-tailed. Levene’s test indicated equal variances for all comparisons (p>.05).
4.11 Early EthSL Exposure as a Predictor of Literacy Outcomes
The hierarchical regression analysis revealed that the age of EthSL acquisition was a signicant negative
predictor of all three literacy outcomes after controlling for current age and school type. For every
one-year increase in age of onset (i.e., later exposure), vocabulary scores decreased by 0.31 standard
deviations (p=.018), comprehension by 0.28 standard deviations (p=.032), and reference skills by
0.25 standard deviations (p=.046).
The addition of age of onset explains an additional 5-7% of the variance in literacy scores beyond de-
mographic factors (∆R2=.05 −.07), representing a meaningful and unique contribution. Notably,
current age and school type were not signicant predictors in Step 1, underscoring the importance of
early language exposure over later educational placement.
4.11.1 Interpretation: The Critical Period for Language Acquisition
These ndings provide strong empirical support for Critical Period Hypothesis in the Ethiopian context.
Mayberry and Lock (2022) demonstrated that delayed rst-language acquisition has lasting eects on
linguistic and cognitive development, even when individuals eventually acquire the language. The
current ndings extend this research by showing that delayed EthSL exposure predicts poorer Amharic
literacy outcomes over time.
Teacher interviews illuminated the following mechanisms:
“The students who came to us at age 3 or 4—even if their families didn’t sign at rst—they
learned quickly and now read well,” she said. “Students who came at age 10 or 12 with no
language... they struggle with everything. Their minds weren’t shaped by language at the
right time.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)
Another teacher described the qualitative dierences as follows:
“Late learners can memorize vocabulary. They can learn that this sign means ’book’ and this
written word means ’book.’ However, they do not have the ow of language or the sense of
how ideas connect. Their reading is choppy and mechanical. They don’t get lost in a story
because they never learned how stories work.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)
These observations align with research on language deprivation syndrome (W. Hall,2017;Humphries et
al., 2016), which documents the lifelong cognitive and psychosocial eects of delayed language access.
The brain’s plasticity for language acquisition declines with age, and children who miss the critical
window for rst-language acquisition may never achieve full linguistic competence, with cascading
eects on literacy and academic learning later in life.
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4.11.2 Domain-Specic Eects
The strongest eect was observed for vocabulary (β=−.31), followed by comprehension (β=−.28)
and reference (β=−.25). This pattern, where early exposure most strongly impacts foundational
lexical knowledge, mirrors Tomasuolo et al. (2023) ndings and suggests that vocabulary is the literacy
domain most dependent on early language experience. While comprehension and reference skills are
still signicantly aected, they may be somewhat more amenable to later instruction or may draw on
other cognitive resources than lower-level skills.
These ndings have clear implications for policy and practice.
1. Early identication and intervention are therefore critical. Universal newborn hearing screening
and immediate family support in EthSL can prevent language deprivation and establish a foun-
dation for developing literacy.
2. The age of onset should be considered in educational planning. Students with later EthSL expo-
sure may require more intensive and specialized support to compensate for missed developmental
periods.
3. Early intervention programs should prioritize language-rich environments over hearing screen-
ings or amplication. Access to uent sign-language models, including deaf adults, is essential
for this purpose.
As Ethiopia’s National Deaf Education Strategy (2023) acknowledges, “Every year of delayed language
access permanently disadvantages a generation of deaf learners.” The current ndings provide empir-
ical support for this claim and underscore the need for early intervention.
Table 13: Regression Analysis: Age of EthSL Acquisition Predicting Amharic Literacy
Vocabulary Comprehension Reference
Predictor βpβpβp
Step 1
Age −.12 .342 −.09 .421 −.11 .381
School Type .18 .132 .15 .201 .13 .264
Step 2
Age of Onset −.31 .018 −.28 .032 −.25 .046
Model R2.18∗.17∗.16∗
∆R2(Step 2) .07∗.018 .06∗.032 .05∗.046
Note: N=76. School Type was coded as 0 = inclusive and 1 = special. Age of Onset was measured in years (range 0–14). β=
standardized regression coecient. ∗p<.05. Model Fstatistics: Vocabulary F(3, 72) = 5.21,p=.003; Comprehension F(3, 72) = 4.83,
p=.004; Reference F(3, 72) = 4.52,p=.006.
4.12 Syntheses and Integration of Findings
4.12.1 Summary of Key Findings
This study yielded ve principal ndings.
1. There was a strong correlation between EthSL prociency and Amharic literacy (r=.87), with
high-prociency students scoring 90.42% versus 34.50% in reading comprehension (d=5.92).
2. There was signicant variability in EthSL prociency across schools, with special schools showing
higher proportions of high-prociency students (61.1% vs. 36.0%, Cramer’s V=.33).
3. School type dierences favoring special schools for vocabulary (d=0.51) but no signicant dif-
ferences for reading comprehension suggest that word-level skills are more responsive to instruc-
tional context than higher-order comprehension.
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4. High-prociency students had signicant academic advantages across multiple PSLCE subjects,
with EthSL prociency uniquely explaining 37% of the variance in academic achievement.
5. The age of EthSL acquisition was a signicant negative predictor of all literacy outcomes (β=−.25
to −.31), with earlier exposure predicting stronger literacy, regardless of current age or school
type.
4.12.2 Theoretical Contributions
These ndings contribute to three theoretical frameworks.
Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis (Cummins,2021): The strong correlation between EthSL
prociency and Amharic literacy supports the claim that rst-language competence forms the founda-
tion for second-language literacy. However, the nding that vocabulary but not comprehension diered
by school type suggests that the transfer of higher-order skills may depend on explicit instructional sup-
port, not just L1 prociency.
Critical Period Hypothesis (Mayberry &Lock,2022): The signicant predictive power of age of on-
set, even after controlling for current age and school type, strongly supports a sensitive period for rst-
language acquisition. The domain-specic eects (strongest for vocabulary) suggest that dierent as-
pects of linguistic competence may have dierent sensitive periods.
Sociocultural Theory (Vygotsky,1978): The substantial within-school variability in outcomes, de-
spite between-school dierences, underscores the importance of the immediate learning environment—teacher
skills, classroom practices, and peer interaction—in mediating the development of literacy. This sup-
ports Vygotsky (1978) emphasis on social interaction in the zone of proximal development.
4.12.3 Integration with Ethiopian Context
The ndings must be understood within the context of Ethiopia’s specic educational landscape. Recent
research by Demissie and Yigezu (2024) revealed that EthSL is not yet acknowledged and accepted as a
full language of education, like other Ethiopian languages, with a limited curriculum, textbooks, trained
teachers, and allotted instructional time. This systemic marginalization creates the conditions for the
variability observed in this study.
“Even in schools designated as ’special,’ there is no standardized EthSL curriculum. Some
teachers develop their own materials, while others use whatever they nd online or remem-
ber from training. Some schools have Deaf teachers who are uent; others have hearing
teachers who learned signs in a six-month course.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)
The nding that age of onset predicts literacy outcomes more strongly than current school type high-
lights a critical policy gap: Ethiopia has no systematic early intervention system for deaf children. Most
families receive no support or information when their child is identied as deaf, and early childhood
programs serving deaf children are virtually nonexistent (Tirussew et al., 2020). The participants in this
study, mostly older students with profound hearing loss, were products of systemic failure.
4.12.4 Equity Implications
The gender disparities in placement documented earlier (males outnumbering females 3:1 in the severe
hearing loss category) suggest that access to EthSL-rich environments is not equitable. Girls with sig-
nicant hearing loss may be systematically placed in inclusive settings without sign language support,
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denying them the foundation for literacy that EthSL provides. This creates an intersectional disadvan-
tage, where gender and disability combine to limit educational opportunities (Guardino &Cannon,
2016).
As one female participant (age 19, low EthSL prociency) shared through an interpreter:
“My parents did not send me to a deaf school. They said it was too far, and I was a girl
and should stay near home. Therefore, I went to a local school. The teachers only spoke.
I sat there for years and learned nothing about the subject. Now I’m too old to start over.”
(Student Interview, School 3)
This testimony illustrates how gender norms, geographic barriers, and educational policies intersect to
produce inequitable outcomes, a pattern documented across sub-Saharan Africa (Bekele &Yadav,2024;
Fobi et al., 2021).
5 Conclusion
This study provides compelling evidence that prociency in Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) is fun-
damentally linked to Amharic literacy acquisition and academic achievement among deaf students in
Ethiopia. Addressing the rst research question, the exceptionally strong correlation between EthSL u-
ency and reading comprehension (r=.87,p<.001) demonstrates that competence in a fully accessible
visual language is an essential gateway to written-language development. Students with high EthSL
prociency scored 90.42% on reading comprehension compared to only 34.50% among low-prociency
peers (d=5.92), conrming that rst-language skills in EthSL enable the transfer of the metalinguistic
capacities necessary for second-language literacy. This nding unequivocally establishes that Amharic
literacy cannot be achieved without a solid foundation in EthSL.
Regarding the second research question, high-prociency students signicantly outperformed their
low-prociency peers across all Primary School Leaving Certicate Examination subjects, with EthSL
prociency uniquely explaining 37% of the variance in overall academic achievement. This underscores
that sign language uency aects learning far beyond language classrooms. When deaf students pos-
sess a strong linguistic foundation, they can access curriculum content across all subjects, engage in
classroom discourse, and eectively demonstrate their knowledge. EthSL prociency is necessary to
achieve equitable educational outcomes.
Addressing the third research question, the comparison between school types revealed nuanced results.
Special schools produced signicantly higher proportions of procient signers (61.1%) than inclusive
settings (36.0%) and demonstrated vocabulary advantages (d=0.51), but no signicant dierences
emerged in reading comprehension scores. Critically, substantial within-school variability across both
settings suggests that instructional quality—particularly consistent EthSL use and explicit connections
between signs and print—matters more than institutional designation alone.
Regarding the fourth research question, the age of EthSL acquisition emerged as a signicant negative
predictor of all literacy outcomes (β=−.25 to −.31,p<.05). Each year of delayed language access
compounds disadvantage, with eects persisting despite later educational interventions. This nding
demonstrates that early exposure to EthSL, not later school placement, most strongly determines chil-
dren’s literacy outcomes.
The convergence of these ndings has urgent implications. Ethiopia must establish comprehensive early
identication systems to ensure that deaf children access EthSL during critical developmental windows.
Teacher preparation requires fundamental reform with mandatory EthSL prociency standards for all
educators serving deaf students. Ethiopia must resource genuine bilingual programs that treat EthSL
as a language of instruction for the above-mentioned reasons. Without these systemic transformations,
deaf learners will continue to face the linguistic malnutrition and educational exclusion documented
in this study—a failure that compromises not only literacy outcomes but also life opportunities for
generations of deaf Ethiopians to come.
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6 Recommendation
Based on the study’s ndings, the following recommendations are proposed for policymakers, educa-
tors, and stakeholders committed to improving deaf education in Ethiopia.
1. Establish Universal Early Hearing Detection and Family-Centered Intervention
The nding that the age of EthSL acquisition signicantly predicts all literacy outcomes (β=−.25
to −.31) mandates urgent action on early identication. The Ministries of Health and Education
should implement universal newborn hearing screening in all major hospitals, with clear refer-
ral pathways to early intervention services. For every infant identied with hearing loss, families
must receive immediate access to EthSL instruction, regular visits from deaf mentors, family coun-
seling, and enrollment in language-rich early childhood programmes. No other intervention can
compensate for language deprivation during the critical developmental periods of life.
2. Mandate EthSL Prociency Standards for All Teachers Serving Deaf Students
Given that only 12% of educators in inclusive settings are procient in EthSL, the Ministry of Edu-
cation must establish and enforce minimum EthSL prociency standards for all teachers working
with D/HH learners. This requires incorporating EthSL prociency testing into teacher certi-
cation, developing nationally standardized EthSL curricula and assessment tools, creating salary
incentives for teachers to achieve uency, and establishing consequences for schools that fail to
provide EthSL-competent instructors. Without uent teachers, even the best policies cannot suc-
ceed in achieving their goals.
3. Develop and Resource a National Bilingual Deaf Education Curriculum
Ethiopia must move beyond treating EthSL as mere accommodation and recognize it as a legit-
imate language of instruction in schools. The Ministry of Education should commission the de-
velopment of a comprehensive K-12 bilingual curriculum integrating EthSL and written Amharic,
culturally appropriate teaching materials, including EthSL glossaries for all subjects, assessment
tools designed specically for deaf learners, and guidelines for explicit instruction in cross-linguistic
transfer between EthSL and Amharic print.
4. Priority Actions Requiring Immediate Implementation
First, universal early hearing detection and family-centered EthSL interventions should be es-
tablished, as every year of delay permanently disadvantages a generation of learners. Second,
mandate and support EthSL prociency for all teachers serving deaf students, as teacher u-
ency directly impacts student outcomes. The costs of inaction are measured not in budgets but in
lives—in generations of deaf Ethiopians denied the literacy that enables participation, contribu-
tion, and ourishing. The evidence is clear, and the path forward has been well established. The
collective will to act remains.
Conict of Interests
The authors declare that there are no conicts of interest
Funding Information
No author received funding for the purpose of this research
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1. e submission has not been previously published, nor is it before another journal for
consideration (or an explanation has been provided in Comments to the Editor).
2. e submission le is in OpenOce, Microso Word, or RTF document le format.
3. Where available, URLs for the references have been provided.
4. e text is single-spaced; uses a 12-point font; employs italics, rather than underlining
(except with URL addresses); and all illustrations, gures, and tables are placed within
the text at the appropriate points, rather than at the end.
5. e text adheres to the stylistic and bibliographic requirements outlined in the Author
Guidelines.
Authorship
Authorship of papers represents authors’ (Faculties, Researchers, and Ph.D. Scholars) scholarly
contributions in dierent scope and domain as per their eld and relevancy. e authors’ names,
aliations, and e-mail addresses along with contact numbers of all authors (corresponding, principal, &
co-authors) of manuscript have to be mentioned on rst page. Furthermore, authors are encouraged to
include their ORCID.
ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences considers innovative and original research
that has neither previously been published nor under considerations for publications with any other
publisher or journal. It is the author(s’) obligation to ensure originality of their research work sent
to journal for publication and have clear understanding that the contents of the manuscript are not
under considerations either by or for any other publisher or journal. e ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of
Humanities and Social Sciences reserves rights to transform, revise, and translate author(s’) contributions
nonetheless, the authors will receive a statement from the journal’s editorial representative prior to the
publication of the same in the ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences.
Writing and Formatting of Manuscripts
File format
We ask you to provide editable source les for your entire submission (including gures, tables and text
graphics). Some guidelines:
• Save les in an editable format, using the extension .doc/.docx for Word les. A PDF is not an
acceptable source le.
• Lay out text in a single-column format.
• Use spell-check and grammar-check functions to avoid errors.
Double anonymized peer review formats
ETHIOINQURY journal of Humanities and Social sciences (EIJHSS) follows a double anonymized
review process which means author identities are concealed from reviewers and vice versa. To facilitate
the double anonymized review process, we ask that you provide your title page (including author details)
and anonymized manuscript (excluding author details) separately in your submission.
e title page should include:
• Article title
• Author name(s)
• Aliation(s)
• Acknowledgements
• Corresponding author address (full address is required)
• Corresponding author email address
e anonymized manuscript should contain the main body of your paper including:
• References
• Figures
• Tables
• Declaration of Interest statement
It is important that your anonymized manuscript does not contain any identifying information such as
author names or aliations.
Tables
Tables must be submitted as editable text, not as images. Some guidelines:
• Place tables next to the relevant text.
• Cite all tables in the manuscript text.
• Number tables consecutively according to their appearance in the text.
• Please provide captions along with the tables.
• Place any table notes below the table body.
We recommend that you use tables sparingly, ensuring that any data presented in tables is not duplicating
results described elsewhere in the article.
Figures and images
Figures, images, diagrams and other graphical media must be supplied as separate les along with the
manuscript. We recommend that you read our detailed artworks. Some excerpts: All images must have
a caption. A caption should consist of a brief title (not displayed on the gure itself) and a description of
the image. We advise you to keep the amount of text in any image to a minimum, though any symbols
and abbreviations used should be explained.
Article structure
Article sections
• Divide your article into clearly dened and numbered sections. Number subsections 1.1 (then
1.1.1, 1.1.2, ...), then 1.2, etc.
• Use the numbering format when cross-referencing within your article. Do not just refer to “the
text.”
• You may give subsections a brief heading. Headings should appear on a separate line.
• Do not include the article abstract and reference within section numbering.
Title page
You are required to include the following details in the title page information:
• Article title. Article titles should be concise and informative. Please avoid abbreviations and
formulae, where possible, unless they are established and widely understood, e.g., DNA).
• Author names. Provide the given name(s) and family name(s) of each author. e order of
authors should match the order in the submission system. Carefully check that all names are
accurately spelled. If needed, you can add your name between parentheses in your own script
aer the English transliteration.
• Aliations. Add aliation addresses, referring to where the work was carried out, below the
author names. Indicate aliations using a lower-case superscript number immediately aer
the author’s name and in front of the corresponding address. Ensure that you provide the full
address of each aliation, including the country name and, if available, the email address of
each author.
• Corresponding author.Clearly indicate who will handle correspondence for your article at all
stages of the refereeing and publication process and also post-publication. is responsibility
includes answering any future queries about your results, data, methodology and materials. It
is important that the email address and contact details of your corresponding author are kept
up to date during the submission and publication process.
• Present/permanent address.If an author has moved since the work described in your
article was carried out, or the author was visiting during that time, a “present address” (or
“permanent address”) can be indicated by a footnote to the author’s name. e address
where the author carried out the work must be retained as their main aliation address. Use
superscript Arabic numerals for such footnotes.
Abstract
You are required to provide a concise and factual abstract which does not exceed 250 words. e
abstract should briey state the purpose of your research, principal results and major conclusions. Some
guidelines:
• Abstracts must be able to stand alone as abstracts are oen presented separately from the
article.
• Avoid references. If any are essential to include, ensure that you cite the author(s) and year(s).
• Avoid non-standard or uncommon abbreviations. If any are essential to include, ensure they
are dened within your abstract at rst mention.
Keywords
• You are required to provide3to5keywords for indexing purposes. Keywords should be
written in English. Please try to avoid keywords consisting of multiple words (using “and” or
“of”).
• We recommend that you only use abbreviations in keywords if they are rmly established in
the eld.
Introduction
e introduction should clearly state the objectives of your work. We recommend that you provide an
adequate background to your work but avoid writing a detailed literature overview or summary of your
results.
Methods
e methods section should provide sucient details about your materials and methods to allow your
work to be reproduced by an independent researcher. Some guidelines:
• If the method you used has already been published, provide a summary and reference the
originally published method.
• If you are quoting directly from a previously published method, use quotation marks and cite
the source.
• Describe any modications that you have made to existing methods.
Results
Results should be clear and concise. We advise you to read the sections in this guide on supplying tables,
gures, supplementary material and sharing research data.
Discussions
e discussion section should explore the signicance of your results but not repeat them. You may
combine your results and discussion sections into one section, if appropriate. We recommend that you
avoid the use of extensive citations and discussion of published literature in the discussion section.
Conclusions
e conclusion section should present the main conclusions of your study. You may have a stand-
alone conclusions section or include your conclusions in a subsection of your discussion or results and
discussion section.
Abbreviations
• Abbreviations which are not standard in the eld should be dened in a footnote on the rst
page of your article.
• Abbreviations which are essential to include in your abstract should be dened at rst mention
in your abstract, as well as in a footnote on the rst page of your article.
• Before submission we recommend that you review your use of abbreviations throughout your
article to ensure that it is consistent.
Appendices
• We ask you to use the following format for appendices:
• Identify individual appendices within your article using the format: A, B, etc.
• Give separate numbering to formulae and equations within appendices using formats such as
Eq. (A.1), Eq. (A.2), etc. and in subsequent appendices, Eq. (B.1), Eq. (B. 2) etc. In a similar
way, give separate numbering to tables and gures using formats such as Table A.1; Fig. A.1,
etc.
Acknowledgements (if any)
Include any individuals who provided you with help during your research, such as help with language,
writing or proof reading, in the acknowledgements section. Include acknowledgementsonlyin thetitle
pagesince this journal follows a double anonymized peer review process. Do not add it as a footnote to
your title.
Funding sources
Authors must disclose any funding sources who provided nancial support for the conduct of the
research and/or preparation of the article. e role of sponsors, if any, should be declared in relation
to the study design, collection, analysis and interpretation of data, writing of the report and decision to
submit the article for publication. If funding sources had no such involvement this should be stated in
your submission.
• List funding sources in this standard way to facilitate compliance to funder’s requirements:
• Funding: This work was supported by the National Institutes of Health [grant numbers xxxx,
yyyy]; the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Seattle, WA [grant number zzzz]; and the United
States Institutes of Peace [grant number aaaa].
If no funding has been provided for the research, it is recommended to include the following sentence:
• is research did not receive any specic grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial,
or not-for-prot sectors.
References
References within text
Any references cited within your article should also be present in your reference list and vice versa. Some
guidelines:
• References cited in your abstract must be given in full.
• We recommend that you do not include unpublished results and personal communications in
your reference list, though you may mention them in the text of your article.
• Any unpublished results and personal communications included in your reference list must
follow the standard reference style of the journal. In substitution of the publication date add
“unpublished results” or “personal communication.”
• References cited as “in press” imply that the item has been accepted for publication.
• Linking to cited-sources will increase the discoverability of your research.
Before submission, check that all data provided in your reference list are correct, including any
references which have been copied. Providing correct reference data allows us to link to abstracting and
indexing services such as Scopus, Crossref and PubMed. Any incorrect surnames, journal or book titles,
publication years or pagination within your references may prevent link creation.
We encourage the use of Digital Object Identiers (DOIs) as reference links as they provide a permanent
link to the electronic article referenced. See the example below, though be aware that the format of such
citations should be adapted to follow the style of other references in your paper.
DOI link example (for an article not yet in an issue):
VanDecar J.C., Russo R.M., James D.E., Ambeh W.B., Franke M. (2003). Aseismic continuation of the
Lesser Antilles slab beneath northeastern Venezuela. Journal of Geophysical Research, https://doi.
org/10.1029/2001JB000884.
Reference format
is journal does not set strict requirements on reference formatting at submission. Some guidelines:
• References can be in any style or format as long as the style is consistent.
• Author names, journal or book titles, chapter or article titles, year of publication, volume
numbers, article numbers or pagination must be included, where applicable.
• Use of DOIs is recommended.
Our journal reference style will be applied to your article aer acceptance, at proof stage. If required, at
this stage we will ask you to correct or supply any missing reference data.
Reference style
Citations in the text should follow the referencing style used by the American Psychological Association.
You are referred to thePublication Manual of the American Psychological Association,Seventh Edition
(2020)ISBN 978-1-4338-3215-4.
e reference list should be arranged alphabetically and then chronologically. More than one reference
from the same author(s) in the same year must be identied by the letters ‘a’, ‘b’, ‘c’, etc., placed aer the
year of publication.
Examples:
Reference to a journal publication:
Van der Geer, J., Handgraaf T., & Lupton, R. A. (2020). e art of writing a scientic article. Journal of
Scientic Communications, 163, 51–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sc.2020.00372.
Reference to a journal publication with an article number:
Van der Geer, J., Handgraaf, T., & Lupton, R. A. (2022). e art of writing a scientic article. Heliyon, 19,
Article e00205. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2022.e00205.
Reference to a book:
Strunk, W., Jr., & White, E. B. (2000). e elements of style (4th ed.). Longman (Chapter 4).
Reference to a chapter in a book:
Mettam, G. R., & Adams, L. B. (2020). How to prepare an electronic version of your article. In B. S. Jones,
& R. Z. Smith (Eds.), Introduction to the electronic age (pp. 281–304). E-Publishing Inc.
Reference to a website:
Powertech Systems. (2022). Lithium-ion vs lead-acid cost analysis. Retrieved from http://www.
powertechsystems.eu/home/tech-corner/lithium-ion-vs-lead-acid-cost-analysis/. Accessed January 6,
2022.
Reference to a dataset:
Oguro, M., Imahiro, S., Saito, S., & Nakashizuka, T. (2015). Mortality data for Japanese oak wilt disease and
surrounding forest compositions [dataset]. Mendeley Data, v1. https://doi.org/10.17632/xwj98nb39r.1.
Reference to a conference paper or poster presentation:
Engle, E.K., Cash, T.F., & Jarry, J.L. (2019, November). e Body Image Behaviours Inventory-3:
Development and validation of the Body Image Compulsive Actions and Body Image Avoidance Scales.
Poster session presentation at the meeting of the Association for Behavioural and Cognitive erapies,
New York, NY.
Reference to soware:
Coon, E., Berndt, M., Jan, A., Svyatsky, D., Atchley, A., Kikinzon, E., Harp, D., Manzini, G., Shelef, E.,
Lipnikov, K., Garimella, R., Xu, C., Moulton, D., Karra, S., Painter, S., Jafarov, E., & Molins, S. (2020).
Advanced Terrestrial Simulator (ATS) (Version 0.88) [Computer soware]. Zenodo.https://doi.
org/10.5281/zenodo.3727209.
Copyright Notice
e copyright of manuscripts published in ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
is granted to the journal, whereas the authorship rights belong to the authors. e Journal and its editorial
team will not bear any responsibility for any consecutive or dual use of the author(s) research work and
even if anticipated and desired so, it is the author(s) responsibility to bring an encroachment act by
postulating a clear declaration about the conict of interest duly mentioned in copyright agreement
between the authors and the EIJHSS to ensure transparency of the publication ethics. Prior to submission
of research work to the Journal, authors are advised and required to make sure to comply with all of the
following guidelines, otherwise submissions might be returned to authors:
1. e submission le must be in the Microso Word, Open Oce, or RTF document le
format with no restrictions.
2. e work has neither previously been published nor is it for consideration to be
published with any other publisher.
3. e text follows the formal, stylistic, and bibliographic prerequisites thoroughly
outlined in the Author Guidelines.
4. e text is written single-spaced, 12-point font, and all gures, illustrations, and tables
are placed within the text at exact points.
5. e manuscript includes nothing that could either be or interpreted as abusive,
defamatory, fraudulent, obscene, libelous, or proscribed.
6. In case of sending same research work to any other publisher either within or
outside the country, authors are liable to let us know in anticipation and that would
be considered as their volunteer withdrawal from the ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of
Humanities and Social Sciences.
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