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ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 11 January, 2026Accepted: 05June,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONEndong C. (2026). From Scriptures to Screen:Representations of Ancient Rome in BiblicalTexts, Hollywood, and Africa’s Black JesusFilms. EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 1-16.https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 1https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLEFrom Scriptures to Screen: Representations of Ancient Rome inBiblical Texts, Hollywood, and Africa's Black Jesus FilmsFloribert Patrick C. Endong1∗�1Department of Performing Arts and Cinematography, Institute of Fine Arts, University of Dschang, Dschang, Cameroon∗Corresponding Author’s email: floribertendong@yahoo.comAbstractIt is hard, if not impossible, to narrate Jesus’s story without mentioning ancient Rome,particularly its brutal imperialist culture in Israel. The gospel accounts of Jesus’s life, ministry,and death (particularly the segment dedicated to the passion of the Christ) provide discerniblehints of Roman presence and imperialism in ancient Judea. In line with this, most literalinterpretations of the gospel story (notably Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ) make ampleallusion to this Roman domination in Israel through evocative scenes like Jesus’s trial beforePontius Pilate and Herod, as well as scenes of the scourging and crucifixion of Jesus Christ. Ontheir own side, symbolic film adaptations that set Jesus’s story in African contexts tend to erase,downplay, or semiotize the aforementioned Roman presence and imperialism in ways that oftengenerate contextual, technological, or historical anachronisms as well as an over-simplificationof the story of Jesus. This understudied phenomenon is examined in this paper in light ofrelevant Black Jesus films produced by African cineasts. Specifically, this study uses semiotics,textual analysis of relevant Jesus films, and critical exploitation of secondary sources to answerthree principal research questions: how is ancient Rome’s imperialistic influence representedin both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has this influence been representedin the literal interpretations of Jesus story? How have African radical adaptations of biblicalscriptures often portrayed or misrepresented Rome? The paper argues that through variousforms of symbolization and narrative ellipsis, African Jesus filmmakers hint at Rome’s imperialinfluence but generate various forms of cultural and technological anachronism that affect theaesthetics and coherence of their Black Jesus films. This implies that the application of AfricanCultural Hermeneutics and Black Liberation Theology in the production of the Black AfricanJesus film is bound to work only partially and lead to controversial results.Keywords: Black Jesus Films; Ancient Roman; Gospel Story; Literal Adaptation; Semi-otics.EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 21 INTRODUCTIONFrom 753 BC to the 5th century AD, Rome’s influence fashioned many civilizations and directly shapedvarious ancient Mediterranean cultures, notably the Jews. According to historical sources, the empire,which encompassed much of Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East, annexed the land of Israelafter 63 BC through a military conquest led by Pompey the Great (Hall, 1997; Ludlow, 2017; Rothman,2019). Rome started ruling its new conquest indirectly through client kings, notably Herod the Great.These client kings owed their thrones to the Roman favor. Upon Herod’s death, the indirect system ofgovernment gave way to direct Roman rule as Judea (the land of Israel) became a Roman province underthe rule of Pontius Pilate. This new system of administration soon bred serious tensions among theJewish people (Bryan, 2005; Labbe, 2012; Windsor, 2004). The latter chaffed under Roman oppressionand longed for the coming of a Messiah (Jesus) to save them. This Messianism was in line with variousdivine predictions.To maintain order and stability in Judea, the Roman authorities often deployed severe brutality markedby cruel attitudes, such as bloody and excruciating quashing of resistance, the introduction of dreadfulpunishments (notably exposure and crucifixion), temporal suppression of religious freedoms, multi-form humiliation of the Jews, and the promotion of a personality cult that often conflicted with Judaisttraditions (Nadav, 2017; Peters, 2018; Trotter, 2017). In line with this, Brohm (2011) notes that “Romanculture was marked by power and pragmatism. Their legions were feared for their discipline and bru-tality [...] their laws provided stability but often favored the elite. Religion was pluralistic, drawing onthe pantheon of Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and countless other deities, many of whom were borrowed fromGreece. Emperor worship emerged as a unifying force, demanding loyalty that placed Christians indirect conflict with Rome’s demands.”Thus, Rome’s political and cultural influence shaped the setting in which part of Jewish history tookplace. In tandem, the world of the Jewish people, as depicted in the New Testament, is under theshadow of Rome. From the edict that sent Joseph and Mary (mother of Jesus) to Bethlehem to PontiusPilate’s order concerning the crucifixion of Jesus and the soldiers who guarded the sepulcher of Jesus,the specter of the Roman empire is cast across the New Testament (the Bible). Therefore, it may beargued that Rome’s colonial influence constitutes the backdrop for the life, ministry, and death of JesusChrist in the gospel story. Understanding this Roman influence is key to grasping and adapting thegospel story into a Jesus film.Therefore, it is difficult, if not impossible, to narrate Jesus’ story without mentioning ancient Rome. Thegospel accounts of Jesus’s life, ministry, and death (particularly the segment dedicated to the passion ofthe Christ) provide discernible hints of this Roman presence and colonization in ancient Judea. In linewith this, most literal filmic interpretations of the gospel story (notably Mel Gibson’s The Passion of theChrist) make ample allusion to this Roman colonization of Israel through evocative scenes like Jesus’strial before Pontius Pilate and Herod, as well as scenes of the scourging and crucifixion of Jesus Christ.Symbolic film adaptations that set Jesus’s story in African contexts, on the other hand, tend to erase,downplay, or semiotize the aforementioned Roman colonization in ways that often generate cultural,technological, or historical anachronisms as well as an oversimplification of the story of Jesus. Thisunderstudied phenomenon is examined in this paper in light of relevant Black Jesus films produced byAfrican cineasts. Specifically, this study uses semiotics, textual analysis of relevant Jesus films, and acritical exploitation of secondary sources to answer three principal research questions: how is ancientRome’s colonial influence represented in both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has thisinfluence been represented in the (Hollywood) literal interpretations of the Jesus story? How well havethey been portrayed in Africa’s Black Jesus films?2 METHODOLOGYThis study is descriptive and conceptual in nature. It examines the nature of the representation ofancient Rome in both written and filmic texts from a historico-aesthetic perspective. In particular, thispaper focuses on the nature of this representation of Rome in historical and biblical texts as well as insome postmodern filmic interpretations of the gospels’ accounts of the life, ministry, and death of JesusChrist. This study relies on two main data collection methods: documentary and textual analyses. Thedocumentary analysis part of the methodology involved the critical exploitation of relevant secondaryEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 3sources such as peer-reviewed journal articles, anthologies, encyclopedias, work papers, book chapters,online materials, and published theses. The critical exploitation of these secondary sources helped setthe stage for the study and address the first two research questions of the study, namely, how is ancientRome’s colonial influence represented in both historical sources and biblical scriptures? How has thisinfluence been represented in the literal interpretations of Jesus story?The textual analysis part of the methodology was concerned with the semiotic analysis of relevant Je-sus films, mainly produced by African film directors. This study considered three African Jesus filmsthat adopt symbolic and metaphorical approaches in their interpretations of the gospel accounts of Je-sus’s life, ministry, and death. The films selected for the study include Mark Dornford’s Son of Man(2006)(Dornford-May, 2006), Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus’s Story (2020)(Chikere, 2020) and Collins Chi-diebe’s Cross of Jesus (2023)(Chidiebe, 2023). The films were selected based on their alignment withAfrican liberation and African cultural hermeneutics (which will be explained in greater detail in thesubsequent parts of this paper). The films were selected because of the attention they subtly or clearlyaccord to Roman imperialism during Jesus’s time. As mentioned earlier, the textual analysis of theaforementioned films was mainly driven by semiotics and inter-textuality. By definition, semiotics isthe study of signs and symbols in communication. It also refers to the use of sign systems for construct-ing and interpreting meaning. During the study, attention was given exclusively to signs contained inscenes that directly or subtly referred to Rome. Icons, indices, and symbols in the films that referenceRoman presence or imperial influence were considered. This study examined the extent to which theuse of these three signs enabled the construction of an image that reflects biblical and historical texts’representations of Rome.This interpretive tool (semiotics) was relevant for the study, given the films’ nature as symbolic andmetaphorical adaptations of the gospel’s account of the life, ministry, and death of Jesus Christ. Inother words. The films’ adaptive approaches (symbolization and connotation) warranted the use ofsemiotics. The semiotic analysis of the films helped address the third and main concern of this study.This concern bordered on showing how the symbolic representations of ancient Rome enabled the films’alignment with the African liberation theology but gave way to anachronistic aesthetics in the AfricanJesus films.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKThis study is anchored in two theories: Black Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics.The former theory systemically contextualizes Christianity in an attempt to help people of African de-scent overcome racial, political, economic, and social oppression (Barga, 2023; H. J. Cone, 1999; J. H.Cone, 1968, 1975; Cook, 2014). As Hayes (2000) puts it, “There can be no Black Theology which doesnot take the black experience as a source for its starting point. Black Theology is a theology of and forBlack people, examining their stories, tales, and sayings. It is an investigation of the mind into the rawmaterials of our pilgrimage, telling the story of “how we got over” (p.17). In the African context, BlackLiberation Theology seeks to give an African coloration to all aspects of Christianity. Its ultimate goalis to make Christianity relevant to African communities. According to theologian Emmanuel Martey(1993), the movement hopes to achieve an integrative vision for the African continent by welding to-gether the praxis of inculturation and liberation.Black Liberation Theology is based on two principal tenets: (i) a firm, but arguable, belief in the Africanorigins of Jesus and (ii) the rejection of the “whitewashing of Christianity” by Euro-centric theologians.While Black theologians such as Cleage (1968) and DeYoung (2009) have sought to demonstrate theblack origins of Jesus in some of their writings, many Black film directors - notably Jean Claude LaMare- have drawn on the Black theology concept in their Jesus films. By anchoring their Jesus films in BlackLiberation Theology, these postmodern film directors have sometimes provoked huge controversies.Jean Claude LaMare in particular, drew on the Black Liberation Theology in the production of hishugely controversial Colour on the Cross.African Cultural Hermeneutics (the second theory considered in this study) similarly seeks to contex-tualize Christianity. Also called “African Biblical Hermeneutics,” African Cultural Hermeneutics is anapproach to interpreting holy scriptures and ancient texts that principally considers the African context.It insists on reading the scriptures premeditatedly from an African standpoint, to make the word of Godculturally relevant to African nations. Adamo (2015) defines this cultural hermeneutic as an approachEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 4that “reappraises ancient biblical tradition and African world-views, cultures and life experiences, withthe purpose of correcting the effect of the cultural [and] ideological conditioning to which Africa andAfricans have been subjected in the business of biblical interpretation (p.59)”.Thus, African Cultural Hermeneutics aims to neutralize the excessive whitewashing of Christianity inAfrica and seeks to counter or address an old African frustration: the obligation (for Africans) to under-stand and practice the Christian faith in foreign or Eurocentric terms. Appiah-Kubi, 1981 expresses theaforementioned frustration. Drawing on Psalms 137:4, the theologian writes: “how can I sing the Lord’ssong in a strange land, in a strange language, in a strange thought, in a strange ideology” (p. viii). It goeswithout saying that the African Cultural Hermeneutics approach may enable African Jesus filmmakersin their culturally sensitive reinterpretation of the gospel accounts of Jesus’s story as well as the latter’sunderstanding of ancient texts about Rome’s imperial influence in first-century Judea. The two theoriesconsidered for the study (Black African Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics) pro-vide tools to examine the theological orientation of the films under study and the aesthetic choices ofthe African film directors. The two theories provide a framework for examining how the film’s themesand style are tailored to reflect African histories, experiences, struggles, and contemporary realities.4 ROME’SIMPERIALRULEOVERJUDEA:INSIGHTSFROMHISTORICAL SOURCES AND BIBLICAL SCRIPTURESRome’s military conquest of Judea in 63 BC triggered a series of upheavals that affected the Jewish peo-ple in a mostly negative way. The conquest brutally took away many benefits the Jewish nation enjoyedas free people and ushered in an endless continuum of hardship, servitude, humiliation, and loss ofsovereignty for the Jewish people. In fact, from Pompey’s conquest to the total destruction of the cityof Jerusalem (in 70 AD), Rome interfered in the social, cultural, economic, and political affairs of Judeaon a grand scale (Bryan, 2005; Cook, 2014; Gambash, 2023; Windsor, 2004). Such interference stainedRoman-Judean relationships. The era of Roman domination was cataclysmic and gloomy for the Jew-ish people, so much so that Strauss (2025) describes it as explosive. According to the Jewish historian,the aforementioned Roman domination was marked by an “explosion of creativity and destruction”that disfavored the Jewish people (Strauss, 2025). The gloominess and volatility of this period of Ro-man domination could, perhaps, best be grasped after a brief comparison of the pre- and post-Romanperiods (See Figure 1).More than half a century before the Roman conquest, Judea enjoyed the status of the first independentJewish state. The country prided itself on its hard-won independence from Greco-Syrian overlords.It also prided itself on the expansionist moves of its native dynasts, the Hasmonean high priests, whoenlarged the country’s modest post-exilic borders to Solomonic proportions. Therefore, the Jewish peo-ple resented the sudden loss caused by Rome’s expansionist policies. They responded predominantlythrough various manifestations of discontent: unpredictable dissidence, constant rebellions, and Mes-sianism. They exhibited a level of resistance that had never been observed in other provinces of theRoman Empire (Bryan, 2005; Rothman, 2019) (. Under Roman rule, Judea morphed into a realm ofperpetual unrest and revolution. A succession of small uprisings culminated in an era of great warsagainst Rome, three of which include the Great Revolt, also known as the Jewish War, 66–74 CE; theDiaspora Revolt, 116–117; and the Bar Kokhba Revolt, 132–136. Apart from revolts, Messianism grewin popularity Labbe, 2012; Seeman, 2013; Strauss, 2025.In a bid to maintain stability and dissuade rebellions in its Judean province, Rome deployed the stickmore than it did the carrot. The imperial power did not hesitate to respond to Jewish dissidence withsavagery never seen in its repression of revolts in other provinces of its empire. A good illustration isRome’s salvage crushing of the Bar Kokhba revolt. In response to this revolt, the Romans committedmass crucifixion of the rioters and changed the name of the country from Judea (land of the Jews)to Syria-Palestinia, or simply Palestina (land of the Philistines). This savagery was unprecedented inmodern history. The Romans had never punished a rebellious province of their empire by changing itsname.EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 5Figure 1: Palestine during the Time of Herod the Great and His Sons.Source: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jesus/The-Jewish-religion-in-the-1st-centuryThus, the Jewish people’s constant rebellions against Rome were consequential. They led to the loss ofthousands of Jewish lives and the reduction of many survivors to slavery and exile. The rebellions alsocaused the relegation of Jews to the status of second-class citizens in their own country. Strauss (2025)affirms that the many bloody revolts put the future of Jewish survival in question, as they pushed Rometo destroy the Jewish capital of Jerusalem and its crowning glory, the Temple.Strauss (2025) writes,“Rome ended the daily sacrifices that marked the heart of Judaism and ruined the priesthood whocarried them out. Rome decimated the largest and most prestigious Jewish Diaspora community in theRoman Empire: the Jews of Egypt. As if to add insult to injury, the Romans changed the name of thecountry from Judea (‘land of the Jews’) to Syria Palaestina” (p.5). Seeman (2013) similarly observes thebrutality of Rome in the following terms:In 70 AD, as punishment for rebellion, the Roman legions burned and razed Jerusalem’s temple,the irreplaceable center of Jewish piety. Adding insult to injury, Jews everywhere were compelled totransfer their yearly contributions for the defunct sanctuary to the shrine of Rome’s state god, JupiterCapitolinus, an annual reminder of their subjugation. In the wake of two more failed revolts, Jewswere forbidden to set foot in Jerusalem, and for some time, their religious observances became thetarget of official repression. By the mid-2nd century AD, Rome had secured its place among Israel’soppressors. (Seeman, 2013)Rome’s crude approach to quenching revolts, dissuading dissent, and maintaining stability accounts forthe abysmal image it had in the Jewish popular imaginary. The specter of Rome cast a menacing shadowover the Jewish imagination. In this imagination, most Jewish people associated Rome with crudeviolence, oppression, immorality, and cultural pollution. (Seeman, 2013) explains that in Midrashictexts, Rome is constantly described in the role of Esau/Edom, Israel’s fraternal nemesis. Similarly, inapocalyptic texts, Rome is depicted as either Babylon, the wicked city par excellence, or the fourthEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 6kingdom in Daniel’s interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream. This fourth kingdom is depicted asbeing a power that is as strong as iron, crushing and breaking all that stand in its way.It is against this backdrop that the story of Jesus is narrated in the Gospel. Manifestations of Rome’s op-pressive rule appear in many articulations of the gospel story, from Jesus birth to his death. For instance,Mary (mother of Jesus) and Joseph are compelled by an edict of Caesar Augustus, to go to Bethlehemfor the census (Luke 2: 4-7). Another order from Herod authorizes the massacre of children in the sameBethlehem, thereby fulfilling Jeremiah’s prophecy of sorrow in Ramah (Mathew 2:16). Elements hint-ing at the Roman census and oppressive taxation system are replete in the gospel story. For instance,Jesus is on some occasions, compelled to pay taxes on entering certain cities of the province (Mathew 17:24-27; Mathew 22: 15-12). At other points, Jesus is compelled to elude questions pertaining to Romantaxation. Using a coin that bears the image of Caesar, Jesus teaches his followers to render to Caesarwhat is Caesar’s and to God what is God’s (Mark 12:17). Another illustration of the Romans’ oppres-sive presence is subtly hinted at by Barabbas dissidence. Actually, Barabbas is the notorious prisonerthe crowd (incited by the elders and chief priests) beseeches Pontius Pilate to release instead of Jesusduring Pilate’s Passover custom of freeing a prisoner (Mathew 27: 15-26). Barabbas is known to be aninsurrectionist who wanted to overthrow the Roman government and save the Jews.Perhaps the most obvious representation of Rome’s oppressive rule is found in the gospels’ accountof the passion of Jesus Christ (Matthew 26 to 28). The account reveals that Jesus was crucified underthe authority of Pontius Pilate, the governor of Judea. This governor finds no fault in Jesus’s actionsbut succumbs to the pressure of the crowd who want Jesus crucified for perceived blasphemy. DuringJesus’s crucifixion, the Roman soldiers apply Rome’s lex Puteolana (“laws of Puteoli”), which, in ancienttimes, regulated how crucifixions were to be carried out in the entire Roman Empire. In substance,this lex Puteolana stipulated that anyone sentenced to death by crucifixion must carry their cross (thepatibulum or horizontal beam) to the site of the execution and be scourged (with a flagellum) by a four-man squad. The victim should thereafter be nailed to their cross at a strategic, mostly public, place.This public cruelty, humiliation, and death served as public shaming and a serious warning againstany potential rebellions to Rome’s authority (Cook, 2014, 2019). The representation of Roman soldiersin all four gospels’ accounts of the passion of the Christ mention all the aforementioned aspects of theRoman penal system. Tuningen (as cited by Cook, 2019) establishes a synchrony between the Gospel ofJohn and historical texts on the Roman type of crucifixion. He notes that: When the magistrate (“public”crucifixions) has to execute an individual by crucifixion, the law mentions pitch and wax, which wereused to torture the victims with fire. In classical Latin texts, incidentally, the individual to be crucifiednever carried a crux (vertical beam or entire cross) but only the patibulum (horizontal piece). When acriminal carried the patibulum, the crux (vertical beam, in this case) was already in place. This impliesthat in John 19:17, Jesus only carried the horizontal member of the cross to Golgotha, since Pilate wouldhave followed Roman procedure (Cook, 2019)Thus, the gospel story bears various indices pointing to Rome’s brutality and oppressive rule in Judea,as well as the Jewish people’s abysmal perceptions of this Roman oppression. Gospel accounts representthe crucifixion itself as one of the strongest symbols of Roman domination and oppression in Judea.5 ROME’SIMAGEINLITERALFILMADAPTATIONSOFTHEGOSPEL STORYAncient Rome has an ambivalent image in the modern world. Indeed, while admired in some quar-ters for its military strategists and high level of administrative organization, the empire is popularlyregarded as a breeding ground for some of the cruelest popular cultures. These cultures range from ahigh dependence on slavery and gladiatorial combat to tyrannical rule and expansionist policies (Cu-furovic, 2018). Thus, popular fantasy associates this ancient empire with many contradictions. Posi-tive stereotypes suggest that ancient Rome exerted attraction because of its sage philosophers (notablyCicero, Seneca, and Marcus Aurelius), influential poets, and cultural syncretism. The empire’s culturewas lauded for its richness and diversity. It blended elements from Greek, Etruscan, and other cultures.Roman cultural assimilation not only enabled a diverse culture but also fostered an inclusive society.Positive stereotypes also underline Rome’s egalitarian legal system, which codified laws applicable toall citizens (Brunet, 2002; Redonet, 2019). Such positive stereotypes also laud the empire’s architectureand road networks, which revealed the prowess of the empire’s engineers. Structures such as aqueductsand the Colosseum (see Figure 2) attest to the genius of Roman architects and engineers. In addition,EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 7ancient Rome is popularly praised for its urban planning pioneers, architectural innovations, militarydiscipline, and highly organized and efficient nature.Figure 2: A side view of the Colosseum. Source: https://italien.news/en/travel/lazio/rome/colosseum/Despite these positive stereotypes, the empire is simultaneously associated with a number of nega-tivisms, some of which are directly related to the Roman political and military systems. Gloomy stereo-types represent Rome as tyrannical and oppressive vis-à-vis non-Roman identities and ethnicities (Ley-mann, 2012; Redonet, 2019). Although credited for their discipline and efficacy, the Roman militaryand judicial systems are popularly associated with authoritarianism, brutality, and cruelty. The imperi-alist and expansionist policies of the empire have motivated critics to view ancient Romans as a peoplebent on subjugating and conquering other people. Similarly, the recrudescence of military conquests,harsh punishments (notably crucifixion), and gladiatorial games in ancient Rome push today’s societyto regard ancient Romans as brutal and violent people. Other negative stereotypes are rooted in issuessuch as Rome’s heavy dependence on slavery, its harsh and depersonalizing treatment of slaves, andits religious intolerance, particularly during its persecution of early Christians. Also worth mentioningare stereotypes that border on Rome’s sense of superiority over other cultures and those related to itsheavy taxation and rigid social hierarchy (particularly in its conquered provinces).The aforementioned imaginary around ancient Rome is simultaneously fueled by and reflected in worldcinema and television, from Mankiewicz’s Cleopatra (1963), through Scott Ridley’s Gladiator (2000), toFlinth’s Arn: Knight Templar (2007) and Spartacus (see Koutsourakis, 2021; Michelakis & Wyke, 2013;Potter & Gardner, 2022; Theodorakopoulos, 2010. A plethora of historical and mythological epic filmssuggests a fascination with ancient Rome. In line with this, Sam Leith notes that many Hollywood epicfilms set in ancient Rome vividly relay stereotypes about the empire’s moral decline, militaristic nature,and adoption of cruel entertainment. He writes, “The attraction of classical antiquity to filmmakershas never been hard to fathom: it has sex (from Theda Bara’s heavy-lidded Cleopatra in 1917, the ideaof the ancients being constantly ‘At It’ has persisted), violence (plenty of scope for gladiatorial hurlyburly and epic battles) and grand narrative. Greco-Roman antiquity offers filmmakers a giant out-ofcopyright myth kitty” (as cited in Elliot, 2014). Similarly, Blanshard and Shahabudin (2011) observe thatfilms such as Kurbrick’s Spartacus (1960), among other things, evoke the social and political status ofthe gladiator in ancient Roman society. The film raises the issue of the marginality of the gladiator, a“well-trained lump of meat at once revolting and alluring” Blanshard & Shahabudin, 2011. The filmEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 8also invites a two-fold focus of criticism: the gladiator as an illustration of ancient Roman entertainmentand as a slave who suffers socio-political discrimination and resists oppression. Thus, Spartacus evokesissues of social inequalities, slavery, moral decline, and oppression that plagued ancient Roman society.Literal adaptations of the gospel story – from Nicholas Ray’s The King of Kings (1961), and Stevens’s TheGreatest Story ever Told (1965) to Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ (2004) – similarly relay many ofthe anti-Roman stereotypes mentioned above. Gibson’s film dwells on the oppressive, depersonalizing,and cruel facets of ancient Rome’s judicial system as well as the Romans’ sense of cultural superiority.Indeed, much of the excruciating violence depicted in the film goes a long way to evoke the many mythsabout Roman moral decadence, cruel punishment, and tyrannical rule in Judea. This can be illustratedusing at least four narrative and aesthetic resources from the film.First, Gibson deploys a series of uprisings imagery in his film that is reminiscent of the historical Roman-Jewish tense relations. The uprisings are depicted in the scenes of Jesus’s trial before Pontius Pilate andHerod. When Jesus is brought before the Roman governor (Pontius Pilate) for judgement, a college ofJewish priests and the crowd intensely pressure the Roman administrators to crucify Jesus. To the Jews,Pilate’s acceptance of Jesus’ crucifixion will serve as a sign of Rome’s respect for Judaist traditions. Pi-late’s hesitation and attempt to release Jesus after scouraging irritate the crowd and cause immediateJewish agitation, which in turn warrants muscular intervention from Roman soldiers. The violent re-pression of Jewish uprisings in these trial scenes is reminiscent of the tense Roman-Jewish relations inancient times. As many historians have underlined, these relations range from non-violent protests tomuscular rejection of Roman rule (Bryan, 2005; Seeman, 2013) . Thus, the inclusion of Jewish uprisingsin The Passion of the Christ follows more from Gibson’s interpretation of historical sources than fromhis understanding of scriptural evidence. In effect, the gospel accounts of Jesus’s trial before PontiusPilate and Herod do not mention the outbreak of Jewish uprisings.Figure 3: Jesus’s Trial before Pontius Pilate (Extract from Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ). Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UqGqfXksv7ASecond, Gibson alludes to stereotypes pointing to Roman moral decadence. This allusion is again madein the scene depicting Jesus’s trial before Herod. In fact, the Roman ruler in this scene is depicted as anEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 9effeminate person and a lover of sensual pleasures. His court is dominantly homosexual and engrossedin the same sensual pleasures. Through these indexes of voluptuousness, Gibson points to ancientJewish perceptions of Rome as a purveyor of sexual immorality and as Babylon par excellence. Throughthis scene, Gibson perpetuates the age-old Hollywood tradition of juxtaposing Rome’s sinfulness withJewish/Christian purity. A similar approach had earlier been observed in De Milles’s The Sign of theCross (1936), a film that represents ancient Rome dominantly through sex(ualized) imageries.Third, Gibson emphasizes the cruelty of ancient Roman punishment (see Figure 3). The film directordoes this through a horrifying depiction of Jesus’s flagellation and ultimate execution. This depictionshows the Roman soldiers’ savagery and quasi-animalistic attitude towards the physical body of JesusChrist. Such savagery is particularly seen in the soldiers’ tearing and lamination of Jesus’s flesh, theirrepetitive insults, their spilling of innocent blood, and finally, their gruesome nailing of Christ to hiscross. Thus, Gibson’s execution of Jesus graphically calls to mind the excruciating nature of the Ro-man institution of crucifixion. The film director’s resort to horror porn as an aesthetic resource helpsdepict the gloomy aspects of the ancient Roman legal system. This aesthetic choice is, in itself, aimedat foregrounding the negative social representations of Rome. Gibson’s film thus deconstructs his pre-decessors’ reductionist and euphemistic representations of ancient Roman punishment on one handand draws audiences’ attention to the significance of Jesus’s sacrifice on the way to Calvary. As notedby Gaye (2013), much artwork of Jesus’s crucifixion tends to portray a fairly sanitized version of thecrucifixion, even though its cruelty was well known in the ancient world. Jesephus (as cited in Finney,2013) highlights such cruelty when he associates crucifixion with the “most miserable of death.” Senecasimilarly evokes the gore of crucifixion as follows:Tell me, is death so wretched? He asks for the climax of suffering; what does he gain thereby? It ismerely the boon of a longer existence. But what sort of life is a lingering death? Can anyone be foundwho would prefer wasting away in pain, dying limb by limb, or letting out his life drop by drop, ratherthan expiring once and for all? Can any man be found willing to be fastened to the accursed tree, longsickly, already deformed, swelling with ugly tumors on his chest and shoulders, and draw the breathof life amid long-drawn-out agony? I think he would have had many excuses for dying even beforemounting the cross! (as cited in Gaye, 2013 , p.360)In the same line of thought, Welborn (2013) provides a summary of the barbarism and terror involvedin the Roman form of crucifixion. The summary hints at ways in which the culture of crucifixion notonly perpetrated a gloomy system of racial marginalization, as it mostly targeted slaves and non-Romancitizens, but also contributed to tarnishing the image of ancient Rome. Welborn (2013) states:Just outside the Esquiline Gate at Rome, on the road to Tibur, was a horrific place where crosses wereroutinely set up for the punishment of slaves. There a torture and execution service was operated by agroup of funeral contractors, who were open to business from private citizens and public authoritiesalike. There slaves were flogged and crucified at a charge to their masters of 4 sesterces per person[...] Varro mentions rotting corpses; Horace speaks of whitened bones; Juvenal describes the way inwhich the Esquiline vulture disposed of the bodies [...] An inscription from Puteoli confirms that suchplaces of execution, with crosses and other instruments of torture, were found throughout Italy andprobably outside the gates of every large city in the Roman Empire. At these places of execution, it isimpossible not to recognize the real reason for the silence of the upper class with respect to crucifixion:crucifixion was the “slaves’ punishment” (Welborn, 2013, p.136)It could therefore be argued that through his graphic portrayal of Jesus’s execution, Gibson questionsthe usual sanitized representations of crucifixion that do not fully capture the weight of Jesus’s sacrificefor, the eternal salvation of humanity. The film director favorably responds to historical sources thatpresent the crucifixion practice as one of Rome’s depersonalizing institutions and barbarism. Thus,critics who associate Gibson’s use of horror porn in The Passion of the Christ exclusively with an urge tofollow post-9/11 aesthetic currents and with antisemitism (Godowa, 2025; Hammer & Douglass, 2007;Ludemann, 2004) , are losing sight of the film director’s attempts to vividly depict the cruel cultures ofancient Rome. However, it should be emphasized that although punctuated with violence porn thatsymbolizes Rome’s brutality, Mel Gibson’s Passion of the Christ does not romanticize the suffering ofJesus or the cruelty of Rome.Fourth, Gibson raises the issue of the Romans’ sense of superiority over other races. This is sufficientlyevident in the crucifixion scene where the Roman soldiers charged with the duty of executing Jesus,EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 10despise the Jewish crowd of onlookers and at some point, use the term “Jew” as insult against Simonof Cyrene, a bystander who, upon request, volunteers to help Jesus carry his cross to Golgotha. Theinsult scene points not only to Rome’s consideration of Jewish culture (particularly religious traditions)as strange, but also to its habit of viewing its culture as superior to that of other peoples. Gibson’saesthetic choice here is therefore in line with many historical sources contending that, from Cicero toJulius Caesar, the Romans tended to portray foreign cultures through a lens of superiority and bias.They tended to disregard the humanity and worth of other cultures and likely considered stereotypesto promote Roman superiority. For instance, Cicero believed that the Jews and Syrians were naturallysuited for servitude (Seeman, 2013; Strauss, 2025; Woolf, 2021) .6 ROME IN SYMBOLIC AFRICAN ADAPTATIONS OF THEGOSPEL STORYAs mentioned earlier, Rome’s imperialistic rule over Judea shapes the way in which the gospel narrativeunfolds. Indeed, Rome – as an imperialistic force – appears at nearly every turn of Jesus story, althoughnot controlling God’s purpose (Brohm, 2011; Vocational Bible School, 2005). It is therefore difficult tonarrate the gospel story without mentioning the Roman agency. In line with this, it has often beenchallenging for film directors who set the gospel story in a purely African context to avoid or downplayRome in their culturally sensitive adaptations (Ahearne-Kroll, 2022; Baugh, 2011; Hammer & Douglass,2007). In this section, we focus on how these film directors’ choice to erase, downplay, or semiotizeRome’s imperialistic influences in their films often generates serious aesthetic issues.6.1 The Downplay Approach: Case of Collins Chidiebe’s “Cross of Jesus”(2023)Film directors who downplay Rome in African Jesus films usually deploy very loose adaptations of thegospel story. The African twists they bring to the gospel narrative most often overlook the Roman-Jewish power dynamics and generally simplify the plot to the life of a certain Black Jesus whose in-fluence in a local Black community affects power dynamics and whose spiritual mission and doctrinethreaten some local spiritualities and traditions. Simplifying the adapted narrative to a Christian vsnon-Christian god issue is, however, hardly coherent, particularly where the film director chooses tomaintain crucifixion (a symbol of Rome) as the way through which their Black Jesus is executed. Thiscan be illustrated using Collins Chidiebe’s Cross of Jesus (2023).Chidiebe’s film recounts the story of an Igbo young man called Kelechi who becomes Jesus’s incarnatethanks to a divine miracle. As Christ incarnate, he recruits twelve local apostles and embarks on anevangelical and salvific mission in his animist village. He authoritatively preaches the gospel, chal-lenges local inhumane traditions, performs all of Jesus’s miracles, and forgives the sins of repentantvillagers. He pulls crowds from near and far, including the close relatives of the village king (the Igwe).In the face of his big and consequential powers, the villagers guess that he is a powerful native doctor oran ancient prophet. Only a few village dwellers, particularly his apostles, see him as Christ, the messiahwhose coming has been prophesied by various oracles.EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 11Figure 4: Jesus’s Trial before the Village King in Chidiebe’s “Cross of Jesus” (a symbolic representation of the gospels’ accounts of Jesustrial before Puntius Pilate. Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e5AQcS0JkwIKelechi’s growing influence in the village soon attracts both envy and the raft of the village elders.Viewing the young man’s influence as a threat to the village indigenous religion as well as to their ownpolitical influence in the community, these village elders connive to set and eliminate Kelechi. One ofKelichi’s apostles helps them (the village elders) for a handsome pay of 500 thousand Naira (Nigeriancurrency). The village elders kidnap Kelechi, drag him to a sham trial before the village king, and se-cure the execution of the young man. Chidiebe’s choice to eliminate cultural and historical references tothe ancient Roman Empire from his film (see Figure 4) is, to some extent, justified, given its alignmentwith Black Liberation theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics. By such an alignment, Chidiebe’sre-invented Jesus story is set in a modern-day Nigerian community, which, culturally speaking, is very-distant fromo Rome. Despite this fascinating aesthetic choice and adaptive approach, the film director’sdecision to omit Rome’s imperial influence in his film seems incoherent. Despite the omission, he de-ploys crucifixion (an ancient Roman punishment) in a film set in modern-day Igbo land. This choice,which is irrespective of the cultural specificities of Nigerian societies, relays the gospel’s gloomy repre-sentation of Rome, but creates some technological, contextual, and historical anachronisms that affectthe overall aesthetics of the film.By definition, an anachronism is a situation where elements of a film – say costumes, language, props/tech-nologies, and the like – are inaccurately placed in a historical setting (Gorfinkel, 2023) . Good examplesinclude the use of very sophisticated technologies (notably Android telephones) in a film set before theirinvention. In Chidiebe’s Cross of Jesus, the deployment of crucifixion (as punishment for offenses) isculturally and historically anachronistic to the Nigerian society depicted in the film’s narrative. This isso despite the fact that it serves as a strong symbol of Christianity and faith. Thus, Chidiebe’s reluctanceto deconstruct and adapt Roman crucifixion to an Igbo context affects the coherence of his plot and thegeneral aesthetics of his Black Jesus film.6.2 Semiotics as ApproachInstead of downplaying or eliminating references to Rome, some film directors semiotize or sublimatekey institutions of the Roman Empire in their African adaptations of the gospel story. A case in pointis Tchidi Chikere’s film Our Jesus Story (2020). This film follows the life of a young man called Tubiikawho is condemned to death in an African, visibly Nigerian, village. By chance, he escapes from thisEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 12village to a faraway city. A few years later, he converts to Christianity and receives a divine call to returnto his village and evangelize his brothers. Tubiika accepts the call. On returning to his village, he findsthe people still determined to kill him despite the long time that has passed since his escape. Contraryto the past, the converted Tubiika accepts his fate. He bears his cross in accordance with the divine callhe has recently received.Like Collins Chidiebe (in The Cross of Jesus), Tchidi Chikere embraces the two concepts of Black Lib-eration Theology and African Cultural Hermeneutics. This spurs him to eliminate all historical andcultural references to Rome from the plot of his film, except for the crucifixion. In tandem with this,his Black Jesus is finally executed by crucifixion and not by a traditional Nigerian/African method ofpunishment (as one would have expected). In addition to this aesthetic choice, the film director deploysRoman military costumes that are clearly reminiscent of Roman military discipline and the legal sys-tem (see Figure 5). Roman tunics are a symbol of ancient Rome (a phenomenon that is historically andculturally distant from sub-Saharan African societies). These costumes are also indicative of the factthat the film director seeks to evoke Roman’s agency in the crucifixion, albeit covertly. To some extent,this aesthetic choice breeds contextual and historical anachronisms.Figure 5: Flagellation Scene in Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus Story. Source: https://web.facebook.com/watch/?v=3693319020741834By maintaining the crucifixion in his film (see Figure 6), Chikere rather perpetrates a Hollywood lit-eralist tradition. This literalist approach consists of representing Jesus’s life in a way that is faithful tothe gospel account. This choice concerns only the part of Chikere’s film that deals with Jesus’ death.This choice is surprisingly contrary to the rest of his adaptation, which is symbolic. Mixing literalist andsymbolic approaches to adapting the gospel story is problematic: it makes Chikere’s film the product ofaesthetic cacophony. Thus, by superimposing cultural references to Rome on an African story, Chikeregenerates anachronisms and cacophonic representations.EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 13Figure 6: The Crucifixion Scene in Tchidi Chikere’s Our Jesus Story. Source: https://web.facebook.com/watch/?v=3693319020741834One of the relatively effective ways of semiotizing ancient Rome in African Black Jesus films is viewedin Mark Dornford-May’s Son of Man (2006). Starring an all-African cast, the film gives a South Africantwist to the gospel accounts of Jesus’s crucifixion and resurrection. It tells the story of a religious leader(known as the Son of Man [Andile Kosi]) who grows his spiritual movement in the troubled fictitiousstate of Judea in southern Africa. This state is plagued by violence, poverty, and political corruption,among other social anomies. When a civil war breaks out in the state, Jesus urges his followers to forsakewarfare and cultivate nonviolence and peace. He also teaches them to embrace compassion, unity, andcollective dialogue, and exhorts them to flee from all forms of corruption. His teachings are so tolerableto the local oppressive and authoritarian leadership that no one in power sees him as a political threat.However, one of his disciples, Judas (Jim Hgxabaze), secretly meets with the state’s authorities andframes the Son of Man as a growing threat to society. This betrayal lures the authorities into incarcer-ating, interrogating, and torturing Jesus to force him to abandon his spiritual mission. Jesus resists theauthorities’ pressure but is unfortunately murdered, buried and later exhumed and nailed publicly toa cross for all citizens of the town to view his corpse. Later, Jesus resurrects and urges his followersto sing praises of God in homage to his movement. He also encouraged them (his disciples) to workfor the growth of the movement. Released two years after Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ, May’svery acclaimed Son of Man is a symbolic representation of both the gospels’ accounts of Jesus’s deathand the horrors of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The film juxtaposes the sufferings of Blackcommunities in apartheid South Africa with those of the Jewish people during Roman rule in ancienttimes.Although characterized by a number of contextual and historical anachronisms (see Ahearne-Kroll,2022; Griere, 2013; West, 2013), May’s Son of Man is intelligently set in apartheid South Africa. Thissetting makes sense as it enables the evocation of imperialism and racial marginalization, two vicesthat are comparable to Rome’s attitude towards the Jews in Jesus’s days. In many of its scenes, Son ofMan artistically compares the horrors of the apartheid regime in South Africa with the negativism andgloominess of Roman rule over the Jews. The film is replete with references to South African people’sexperiences with apartheid that directly point to Rome’s oppressive rule over the Jews in history andin the gospel accounts. A case in point is the gruesome execution of May’s Jesus through a process thatinvolves the latter’s arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, murder in secret, and crucifixion. Except forthe crucifixion, all the aforementioned violent approaches to intimidating and silencing anti-apartheidactivists were in force in pre-1994 South African society. These brutal and oppressive systems are com-parable to the Roman culture of dissuading rebellion and “high treason” against the empire. Hence,May added a posthumous crucifixion of Jesus. This crucifixion is visibly to make a symbolic associationbetween Black anti-apartheid activists in South Africa and the oppressed Jews in ancient Rome.Another reference to Rome in Son of Man is seen in the scene where Mary leads a group of Jesus’sfollowers in a toyi-toyi dance in protest at the brutality that led to the death of Jesus. It should be em-phasized that, as a dance/chant of resistance, toyi-toyi was constantly used by protesters in apartheidSouth Africa to defy colonialism and unjust policies. As noted by Adejumobi (2013), the dance wasEIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 1-16 14“employed by political and labor leaders and domestic workers and mine workers as part of their rev-olutionary struggle” during both the anti-apartheid and decolonization movements in South Africa(Adejumobi, 2013). By juxtaposing this form of South African resistance with the death of Jesus inhis film, May successfully evokes the many protests and uprisings deployed by Jewish rebels to protestRome’s oppression. Thus, May’s film suggests that in the same ways the Jewish people suffered oppres-sion from the Romans in the antiquity, so too Black communities in modern-days South Africa sufferedpolitical and cultural marginalization from the White-dominated apartheid regime.Thus, May’s films followed the two currents of Black Liberation Theology and African Cultural Hermeneu-tics current - as Chikere’s and Chidiebe’s film did - but doesn’t fail to allude to Rome’s imperial influence.The South African film runs contrary to the Nigerian films (Cross of Jesus (2023) and Our Jesus Story(2020)) that omit imperialistic influences from some exogenous forces which remotely can be associatedwith Rome. It attempts to depict the cruelty of the Apartheid regime, which can be compared to Rome’sbrutal conquest and imperialist rule over the Jews.7 CONCLUSIONSThis study examined ancient Rome’s depiction in both literal and symbolic/metaphoric adaptations ofthe gospel story. It is argued that most of these adaptations sensibly relay the gloomy representationsof Rome in the gospel accounts of Jesus’s death and resurrection. In literalist adaptations (notably MelGibson’s The Passion of the Christ), Rome is – in line with biblical texts – depicted as an oppressiveforce, a morally decadent culture, and even a barbaric force. This is achieved using various techniques.The same negative notion is suggested in symbolic Africa Jesus films, albeit via semiotics, subliminalcues, and cultural equivalence. This paper also showed how African Jesus filmmakers’ efforts to semi-otize and downplay Rome’s agency in their films usually lead to contextual, technological, and histor-ical anachronisms. These aesthetic issues (anachronisms) mostly – if not essentially – arise from theseAfrican filmmakers’ reluctance to deconstruct and radically adapt the crucifixion of Jesus followingAfrican cultural sensibilities.The arguments of this paper therefore imply that African makers of Black Jesus films should fully en-gage with African cultural specificities when they set their Jesus films in an African context. Mixingliteralist and symbolic approaches to film adaptation in the same Black Jesus film may lead to aestheticcacophonies and inconsistencies. Hence, this aesthetic choice may lead to relatively confusing repre-sentations of Jesus’s story in the film. This study focuses on the depictions of Rome in Black Jesus films.Future research may dwell on how both African and non-African audiences receive these filmic repre-sentations and how such representations fuel popular narratives about ancient Rome in other forms ofpopular culture in Africa.Funding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchConflict of InterestsThe authors declare that there are no conflicts of interestReferencesAdamo, D. T. (2015). What is african biblical hermeneutics? Black Theology, 13(1), 59–72. https://doi.org/10.1179/1476994815Z.00000000047Adejumobi, S. Y. (2013). Empire and utopia: “resurrecting” postcolonial visions and beyond in Son ofMan. In R. Walsh, J. L. Stanley, & A. Reinhartz (Eds.), Son of man: An african jesus film (pp. 69–87). Sheffield Phoenix Press.EIJHSS Endong C.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/5394na97

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ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 30 March, 2026Accepted: 15May,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONGebru et.al (2026). Trending Tensions: SocialMedia and Influencer Engagement in theGrand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Dispute.EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 17-34.https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 17https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLETrending Tensions: Social Media and Influencer Engagement inthe Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam DisputeSintayehu Gebru1∗�, Mulatu Alemayehu2�, and Samuel Tefera �1College of Social Science, Arts and Humanities, Department of History and Archaeology, African Studies Program, Addis AbabaUniversity, Ethiopia2University of Agder, Norway∗Corresponding Author’s email: sench2393@gmail.comAbstractThe Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is a highly contentious issue in African andMiddle Eastern geopolitics. This issue has led to extensive international and domestic discourseand negotiations. Social media can be regarded as a central stage for state and non-state actors toexpress themselves regarding the GERD issue and engage in informal forms of digital geopolitics.This study aims to examine the role of social media in shaping the GERD issue, with a specificemphasis on the Egyptian and Ethiopian perspectives, which are the most vocal and impactfulcontributors to this issue. This study employed a qualitative research approach and collecteddata through interviews with 18 key informants, including diplomats, geopolitical experts,social media influencers, state officials, international journalists and domestic advocates. Thestudy used thematic analysis to extract meaning from key informants’ interview data. The studyfound that social media has greatly altered the way the GERD issue is framed, emphasizingnationalism, counter-hegemonic narratives, misinformation and emotional framing. Thisstudy contributes to the existing literature on digital geopolitics by examining the role andimpact of social media on conflict and conflict management. This study concludes that a deepunderstanding of the role and impact of social media can help resolve international and domesticconflicts, with a specific emphasis on the Nile River Basin.Keywords: GERD; social media; geopolitics; digital diplomacy; Nile Basin; Egypt;Ethiopia.1 INTRODUCTIONDigital geopolitics has become an inherent feature of international relations. As globalinterconnectedness has grown, social media platforms such as Facebook, X (formerlyTwitter), YouTube, TikTok, and Telegram have played an important role as new politicaldomains for debating and discussing geopolitical topics (Castells, 2009; Khatib, 2016) .EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 18These tools are also characterized by content that disseminates emotionally charged narratives (Pa-pacharissi, 2015). One of the most important geopolitical issues in Africa and the Middle East, heavilyinfluenced by social media, is the conflict over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) (Cascaoet al., 2020). The GERD, built on the Blue Nile River by Ethiopia, symbolizes national and politicaldevelopment and sovereignty for the people of Ethiopia and poses a potential existential threat to thewater security of the people of Egypt (Tafesse, 2020; Verhoeven, 2015) .Since the GERD project was declared, negotiations among Ethiopia, Egypt, and Sudan have been a cycleof cooperation and conflict (Cascao et al., 2020). While formal negotiations have taken place among thethree countries and other international actors, such as the African Union, the public nature and scopeof the GERD conflict have greatly expanded through social media (Bjola & Holmes, 2015). Social me-dia sites have enabled governments, political elites, media personalities, and citizens to actively shapepublic narratives about the legitimacy, ecological impact, historical context, and geopolitical nature ofthe conflict over the GERD dam. This digitalization of the GERD conflict has turned the issue into apublic debate with heavy emotional appeal.The growing salience of social media in the GERD dispute reflects broader global trends. It is increas-ingly shaping foreign policy, public diplomacy and international conflicts (Manor, 2019). Scholars havehighlighted the growing importance of social media as a forum for politics, in which power is exercisedby shaping the discourse and the agenda (Castells, 2009). In the context of the GERD dispute, socialmedia has been widely used to mobilize nationalism, legitimize interests, subvert international me-dia narratives, and shape political leaders’ policy stances, ranging from hardline to conciliatory (Frey,2024). The issue is to critically examine how social media is reshaping international conflicts in theGlobal South, where historical grievances, postcolonial identities, and developmental aspirations con-verge.The GERD social media debates call for a high demand for academic papers with fewer outputs. Evenif there is increased awareness and social media debate about GERD, there are fewer academic studieson its specific trends, actors, and narratives triggered by the riparian countries. Most research on GERDhas focused on legal issues, hydropolitics, and diplomacy, without considering social media and onlinecommunication (Cascao et al., 2020; Tafesse, 2020). This study seeks to fill this research gap by exploringtrends in social media communication concerning the GERD as a geopolitical issue, with special refer-ence to Egypt and Ethiopia. By prioritizing the voices of key informants from diverse backgrounds andprofessions, this study aims to provide a comprehensive and in-depth qualitative examination of socialmedia and GERD.Research question: How have social media platforms influenced trends, narratives, and geopoliticalissues concerning the GERD between Ethiopia and Egypt? To answer this research question, this studyaims to accomplish the following three objectives. First, it identifies narratives and frames concerningthe GERD and social media communication. Second, this study aims to identify and explore the rolesof different actors in GERD and in social media communication. Finally, this study aimed to evaluatethe impact of social media communication on GERD and GERD-related issues.This study aims to use a qualitative research approach and conduct key informant interviews with18 informants from diverse backgrounds and professions, including diplomats, geopolitical analysts,social media content creators, government officials, international journalists, and local advocates fromEthiopia and Egypt. Key informants were selected purposively following their active engagement inposting and writing reports on social media related to the GERD geopolitical debate. This researchapproach seeks to provide a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of social media and the GERDas a geopolitical issue from the perspectives and levels of different actors (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Thisstudy aims to provide thematic data on GERD and social media communication, seeking to provide acomprehensive understanding of complex issues.The significance of this study lies in its contribution to digital geopolitics, international communication,and African studies. By focusing on the GERD as a case study, this paper highlights how social mediareshapes transboundary water conflicts beyond traditional diplomatic arenas. This study also offerspractical implications for policymakers, diplomats, and media practitioners seeking to manage geopo-litical disputes in an increasingly digitalized public sphere. The remainder of the paper is structuredas follows: a review of the relevant literature on social media, geopolitics, and the GERD, followed bythe theoretical framework. Next, the paper details the methodology, followed by the presentation ofresults and discussion of the findings. The final sections conclude with limitations and directions forfuture research.EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 192 Literature Review2.1 Geopolitics of the Nile Basin and the GERDThe Nile River has been at the heart of East Africa’s geopolitics and the politics of many other actorsaround the globe, serving both as a lifeline for the countries that share its waters and as a focal pointof political tensions between them. Research on the Nile’s politics has focused on the asymmetricalpower relations between the involved countries, which favored the downstream states, especially Egypt,throughout the twentieth century (Cascao et al., 2020; Swain, 2018). Ethiopia, which contributes over 80percent of the Nile’s water through the Blue Nile, has been excluded from the Nile’s decision-makingprocess and has come to be seen by Ethiopian policymakers as a historical injustice.The GERD’s development represents a departure from the historical pattern in Nile River politics andhas been studied extensively by scholars who commonly agree that it is a development strategy in-tended to assert Ethiopia’s sovereignty and reassert its position in Nile River politics Gebreluel, 2021;Verhoeven, 2018. For Ethiopia, the GERD represents national unification, post-colonialism, and moder-nity. However, Egyptian research and policy-oriented publications commonly portray the GERD as anillegal move by Ethiopia that can cause water insecurity and national instability, creating uncertaintyabout reservoir filling and drought risks Abdel-Aal et al., 2023; Salman, 2020.In light of recent research, the GERD conflict cannot be fully understood from hydrological or legalperspectives and must be considered in the context of geopolitical transformations in Africa and theMiddle East. These transformations include shifts in regional alliances on one side and the weakeningof Western mediators on the other, in favor of the African Union’s increasing involvement in conflictresolution (Abdelhady & Helmy, 2021). These studies offer useful insights into the conflict and negoti-ations between Egypt and Ethiopia, focusing on state actors and the formal negotiation process whileignoring the impact of mediated public opinion on the conflict environment.2.2 Social Media Trends in EgyptSocial media use in Egypt has significantly affected communication, social participation, and culturalproduction in the last decade. Egypt is Africa’s largest digital market; therefore, the use of the Inter-net and other digital technologies is growing significantly. The use of Facebook, Instagram, TikTok,and Twitter is widespread among the Egyptian population (Kemp, 2025a). This has affected variousaspects of Egyptian society, including commerce, politics, education, and the construction of identity,empowerment, and governance in Egypt. Youth are the core targets of the impact of social media use inEgyptian society. This is attributed to the fact that Egyptian society is still young. Egyptian youth usesocial media to express their identity and construct their sense of belonging. This is attributed to thelimited spaces where young people meet (Gazzar, 2016). Social media use by youth has psychological,social, and cultural empowerment effects on youth (Shaaban, 2023) , which is consistent with networksociety theory (Castells, 2012). In addition to the construction of identity and empowerment, it affectscivic engagement and political awareness. In the past, it was argued to be an example of digital activism(Kaplan & Haenlein, 2011), but recent findings indicate that it is not Tufekci, 2017.In education, social media facilitates informal collaboration, networking, and knowledge sharing (Green-how & Lewin, 2016; Ricks, 2022). It also facilitates hybrid learning, although it can be a distraction forstudents and create confusion between the personal and educational spheres. Overuse by young peo-ple can lead to anxiety, depression and poor academic performance (Keles et al., 2020) . In the realmof economics, social media is important for entrepreneurship, marketing, and online business, repre-senting a global phenomenon of platform economy (van Dijck et al., 2018). In the realm of institutions,the use of social media by the government is inconsistent, with a lack of strategic coordination despiteefforts to enhance public engagement (Elsherbiny, 2015).In conclusion, social media in Egypt can be considered a socio-technical system with a dynamic nature,as emphasized byvan Dijck et al. (2018). It can be a source of empowerment, knowledge and engagement(Greenhow & Lewin, 2016; Valkenburg & Peter, 2011). It can also be a source of risk for individuals,education, and the government (Keles et al., 2020; Poell & van Dijck, 2018).EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 202.3 Social Media Trends in EthiopiaEthiopia’s social media environment is constantly changing, driven by youth involvement, infrastruc-tural limitations, and socio-political factors. Internet usage is still low but increasing, with approxi-mately 8.3 million users Kemp, 2025b. Despite the urban-rural gap and the dominance of Addis Ababa,social media is becoming increasingly important for communication and socialization. Social mediahas both negative and positive effects on education, contributing to poor performance and reduced pro-ductivity (Alemayehu & Alamirew, 2023; Mulisa & Getahun, 2018; Tesfay et al., 2023) and providingaccess to information and collaborative learning (Tesfay et al., 2023).This is also supported by other find-ings (Greenhow & Lewin, 2016), especially in limited-resource contexts. Social media has significantimplications for democracy, including democratic participation and polarization, particularly duringpolitical instability (Haile, 2024). Social media has also been implicated in hate speech, particularly inethnically mixed countries, resulting in government actions that infringe on the freedom of expression(Gagliardone et al., 2015).Youth are at the heart of social media, using it to express identity, creativity, and economic opportuni-ties, including digital entrepreneurship (Mulisa & Getahun, 2018). The Ethiopian diaspora also playsa role in the social media environment, contributing to information exchange and polarization (Haile,2024). From a theoretical perspective, the Ethiopian case contributes to the networked public sphere,which emphasizes digital participation (Tufekci, 2017), as well as the diffusion of innovations, particu-larly the role of urban centers (Rogers, 2003).In conclusion, the Ethiopian social media environment is marked by its complexity, with both enablingand constraining effects across education, democracy, and youth involvement. The role of the diaspora,urban-rural disparity, and government responses further illustrate how social media shapes and areshaped by Ethiopian society.2.4 Social Media and Contemporary GeopoliticsIt has been argued in the body of knowledge that the rise of social media has revolutionized the produc-tion and dissemination of geopolitical knowledge. For instance, it has been asserted that the rise of socialmedia has transformed geopolitics from a state-centric activity to a more fluid concept involving jour-nalists, activists, influencers, and users (Miskimmon et al., 2017). This has resulted in the developmentof a new concept referred to as ”popular geopolitics,” which explores the construction of geopoliticalknowledge through the lens of media practices rather than through official policy discourse.It is argued in the body of knowledge that the geopolitical significance of social media lies in its abilityto accelerate the flow of information, personalizes political narratives, and bridge the gap between do-mestic and foreign policy issues. For instance, it has been asserted in the body of knowledge that socialmedia has become an increasingly important tool in the hands of states as a form of strategic communi-cation. Simultaneously, social media has been used by non-state actors to contest state narratives (Bjola& Manor, 2018; Frey, 2024). In this regard, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that socialmedia has become a key tool in the hands of non-state actors. At the same time, it has been assertedin the body of knowledge that social media has a tendency to privilege conflict over analysis. It hasbeen asserted in the body of knowledge that social media has an ambivalent role in conflict situations.For instance, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that social media has been used in conflictsituations to raise awareness and engage citizens. At the same time, it has been asserted in the body ofknowledge that social media has a tendency to polarize audiences. In this regard, it has been arguedin the body of knowledge that social media has a tendency to lead to digital nationalism (Bradshaw &Howard, 2018). In recent times, it has been asserted in the body of knowledge that geopolitical conflictsare increasingly being fought through a form of online narrative competition (Jackson, 2026). In thisregard, it has been argued in the body of knowledge that legitimacy, victimhood, and memory havebecome key symbolic resources in conflict situations.EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 212.5 Research GapsPlans for ameliorating the environmental impacts of assorted activities downstream from the GERD aredisconnected from existing scholarship on the GDMS, with little attention paid to social media shapinggeopolitical narratives Cascao et al., 2020; Tafesse, 2020. The literature discussing the contribution ofsocial media to wider land geopolitics is indeed growing, though these tend to have theoretical slantsin relation to an overrepresentation of Global North geographic regions with limited empirical focusrelevant to African contexts Willems and Mano, 2017. When studies address the African digital sphere,they frequently treat social media as a means of passively transmitting information rather than as anactive battleground of contestation, identity construction, or diplomacy signaling.However, some critical gaps remain in the literature, such as the gap between practitioners and scholars,where analyses of GERD-related discourse are rarely conducted from the perspective of those whoproduce, curate, and respond to social media content: diplomats, international journalists, governmentofficials, civil society activists, digital creators, and local community voices. This lack of social ecology toexplore norms shaping media narratives around water means that the mechanisms through which suchstories are framed, amplified, or curbed in transboundary conflict contexts remain opaque. Accordingly,the intersections of digital diplomacy on strategic communication and hydro politics in the Nile Basinhave yet to be studied empirically by those directly embedded in the conflict.To fill this scholarly gap, this study employs a qualitative and actor-centered methodology situated atthe intersection of critical geopolitics, communication studies, and digital diplomacy. The approach isorganized around three analytical and methodological commitments.1. Qualitative depth-key informant interviews: The research is based on 18 semi-structured keyinformant interviews (KII) drawn from a purposive and intentional heterogeneous sampling ofdiplomats, international journalists, civil society activists, local actors, and digital content creatorsidentified by the authors independent survey of their social media activities on the GERD in bothEgypt and Ethiopia.2. Cross-disciplinary analytical framework: Instead of analyzing the question within a single dis-ciplinary lens, this study incorporates two interdisciplinary frameworks: framing theory and crit-ical geopolitics.3. Comparative examination across two countries: This study shifts the focus to both Egypt andEthiopia instead of defaulting to one country, providing a symmetrical analytical framework thatshows how actors on each side create narratives that compete or oppose others’ narratives throughsocial media.Combined, these three commitments prepare the study for a unique empirical and theoretical contri-bution: this is both the first actor-grounded contemporary cross-disciplinary account of social mediatrend shaping geopolitical impacts in an ongoing African trans-boundary water conflict (practitionergap with regional data; interdisciplinary gap).2.6 Theoretical FrameworkThis study adopts an interdisciplinary theoretical approach, drawing on popular geopolitics, framingtheory, and digital diplomacy. Such an approach promises to provide a rich analytical tool for investigat-ing the role of social media in the construction of geopolitics, power dynamics, and public engagementin the case of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). In this sense, the approach moves beyondstate-centric and materialistic understandings of geopolitics.2.6.1 Popular GeopoliticsThis perspective combines elements of cultural studies theory, discourse analysis, and critical geopol-itics theory, focusing on the social mediation of geopolitical knowledge. As mentioned in the founda-tional works of geopolitics theory by Dalby and Tuathail (1996) geopolitics is not just about territory ormilitary capabilities; it is also about narratives, symbols, and meanings. Thus, the popular geopoliticsEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 22perspective explores how the practice of everyday life—ranging from dinner table talk to blockbusterfilms—sustains geopolitical imaginaries (Dodds, 2018; Kirsch & Flint, 2016)The rise of digital media technologies, such as social networking, in the twenty-first century has greatlymagnified the phenomenon of popular geopolitics in international relations. Unlike traditional massmedia, which mediated geopolitical discourses through journalistic institutions, the rise of social mediatechnologies in the twenty-first century has enabled the decentralized mediation of these discourses.Ordinary people in the twenty-first century create, edit, and disseminate geopolitical discourses at anunprecedented rate (Papacharissi, 2015; Sommerville, 2024). However, the rise of social media technolo-gies in the twenty-first century has also heightened the politics of meaning in international relations,with Twitter, Facebook, and TikTok becoming platforms for shaping the public meaning of conflict,border disputes, refugees, and nationalism in international relations Abdelhady and Helmy, 2021; Lutzand Hoffmann, 2017.In addition, the logic of algorithmic social media plays a significant role in shaping geopolitical con-tent and making it visible, which eventually generates affective engagement that might shape politicalopinions and mobilize collective action on geopolitical issues Couldry and Hepp, 2017; Fuchs, 2017.For instance, hashtags about wars and human rights abuses are sites of state propaganda and counter-hegemony, demonstrating how geopolitics are co-produced by a diverse range of social actors withindigital spaces Bergh, 2020; Zuckerman, 2014. Therefore, popular geopolitics challenges elite-centric the-ories of understanding geopolitical issues by showing that geopolitical meanings are not solely created,contested, and reified by institutional actors but are also co-produced, contested, and reified throughcultural texts, media practices and discourse. While social media has extended the scope of populargeopolitics, it has also made it more complicated.In the GERD context, popular geopolitics is particularly relevant because the dispute is deeply embed-ded in national identity narratives, historical memories, and postcolonial sensibilities. For Ethiopianusers, social media discourse frequently frames the GERD as a symbol of dignity, self-reliance, and re-sistance to historical marginalization. In contrast, Egyptian online narratives often emphasize existen-tial vulnerability, historical rights to the Nile River, and regional stability. These competing imaginar-ies are continuously reproduced, contested, and amplified through digital platforms, making populargeopolitics a crucial lens for understanding the conflict’s public dimensions.2.6.2 Framing TheoryFraming is an important factor in the perception of threats, actors, responsibilities, and actions ingeopolitics. In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, media framing of “terrorism” highlighted the threat,foe, and solution, thus increasing support for the military and surveillance (Altheide, 2006; Entman,2004). In the case of immigration in Europe and North America, immigrants were portrayed as con-tributing to the economy or as threats (van Gorp, 2010; Wodak, 2010).Framing theory is grounded in news media and is thus applicable to social media and other forms ofdigital media (Chong & Druckman, 2007; Pan & Kosicki, 2001). An important factor in social mediaframing is the “affective economy,” in which algorithms prioritize emotions and drama (Couldry &Hepp, 2017; Papacharissi, 2015). In the context of geopolitics, this has led to oversimplified accounts ofconflict in which heroes and villains abound (Bruns & Burgess, 2015; Highfield, 2016). Iconic images ofconflict or other dramatic scenes can powerfully shape our perception of the world by linking imagesto moral judgments and actions (Amponsah, 2024; Happer & Philo, 2013). These images can highlighthumanitarian crises or threats, such as those in refugee camps or conflict zones.Social media platforms can create a networked and participatory culture. This, in turn, helps users andinfluencers collectively create and share meanings (Carver, 2025; Castells, 2012). The #BlackLivesMat-ter and #SaveAleppo movements demonstrate the power of social media to frame global discourse andmobilize action, taking a person’s case Aelst et al., 2017; Freelon et al., 2016. However, this has also en-abled governments and other actors to engage in “computational propaganda” Bradshaw and Howard,2018; Woolley and Howard, 2016.Overall, the framing theory is an important factor in understanding the negotiation and contestationof meaning in social media geopolitics. Social media is not just a reflection of existing meaning but atransformation of meaning into emotions and drama. The application of framing theory to the GERDEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 23issue demonstrates the role of social media frames, such as the concepts of sovereignty, survival, devel-opment, injustice, and cooperation, in the strategic environment. The interviewees identified framingeffects and used frames to target different audiences. Therefore, framing theory is useful for analyzingthe role of social media narratives in the GERD issue.3 MethodologyThis study adopts a qualitative approach to explore the trend of social media in the geopolitical dis-course surrounding the GERD between Egypt and Ethiopia. The qualitative research approach is ap-propriate for addressing complex geopolitical processes that are informed by meanings, interpretationsand narratives rather than by quantitative factors. This study seeks to generate an in-depth understand-ing of the perceptions of key actors in the GERD discussion, with a focus on social media trends andframing implications.3.1 Research DesignIt is based on an interpretivist paradigm that assumes a constructionist view of social reality, in whichlanguage, discourse, and interaction are essential to its construction. By focusing on social media andgeopolitics, this study explores how actors make sense of the GERD, construct meaning from digitalcommunication, and evaluate its effects. Rather than following a hypothesis-testing methodology, thisresearch aimed to identify patterns and themes from the data collected from the participants. Therefore,the study design was a thematic analysis. Key informant interviews were primarily used in this studybecause they provide access to expert and insider knowledge, as well as reflections on social mediapractices. GERD is a sensitive issue; therefore, a flexible space is needed for a nuanced perspective thatcannot always be expressed in a public forum such as social media.3.2 Sampling and ParticipantsThe research employed 18 key informant interviews with individuals who were either directly or indi-rectly involved in the social media discourse on GERD. Purposive sampling was employed to ensurethat the interview respondents came from diverse professional backgrounds and had views that alignedwith the research objectives. The respondents were selected for their interest and/or expertise in GERDthrough close looking at their social media posting activities regarding GERD. At some level, snowballtechniques have been employed to reach them easily. The selection also considered their professionalinvolvement in diplomacy, media, and advocacy, using their social media activities as a pillar.Table 1: Composition of the Study Sample by Participant CategoryParticipant Category Description nDiplomats Current or former officials involved in Nile Basin negotiations or public diplomacy efforts 4Geopolitical Analysts Scholars and policy analysts specializing in regional politics and transboundary water issues 4Social Media Content Creators Influencers and digital commentators with substantial online followings discussing theGERD3Government Officials Policy advisors and communication officers engaged in GERD-related messaging 3International Journalists Reporters covering the GERD for international media outlets 2Local Advocates Civil society actors involved in public awareness and advocacy related to water rights anddevelopment2Note. Total sample size (N=18).This was done by basing the study participants in Egypt and Ethiopia to obtain balanced upstream anddownstream perspectives of the same phenomenon. Confidentiality was ensured by referring to theEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 24participants using anonymous labels (e.g., KI1 and KI2).3.3 Data Collection tools and sampling techniquesThis research employed a qualitative approach to explore experts’ opinions on social media use trendsin GERD. This research employed semi-structured key informant interviews.This study employed a purposive sampling approach to select informants with relevant expertise andsocial media engagement in issues concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. The informantsincluded diplomats, political analysts, international journalists, government officials, local experts, andsocial media influencers who actively engaged in and contributed to the social media discourse onGERD. The informants were required to have relevant experience in geopolitical communication, hy-dropolitics, or Nile Basin digital commentary beyond their active use of social media on the GERD. Thisresearch explored social media trends, emotional tone, geopolitical analysis, diaspora engagement, in-stitutional roles, and public sentiment through interviews with key informants.Concurrently, the study employed a sampling approach to explore social media trends on GERD-relatedissues across major platforms, including Facebook and X (Twitter). This research explored major socialmedia discourse on key phases in the development of the GERD, including announcements of damfilling and diplomatic engagement in talks surrounding the dam. This research employed a keywordsearch and snowball sampling to identify individuals who were either actively writing or associatedwith GERD and its social media trends.The sampling for the social media data also emphasized the high level of engagement with the trendaround the geopolitical debate rather than the breadth of sampling. This is analogous to the qualitativedigital research criteria for adequacy, where the construction of meaning is emphasized over quantifi-cation of data.3.4 Data AnalysisData analysis employed qualitative thematic analysis with theoretical lenses from framing theory andpopular geopolitics. The analysis had three stages: initial coding, theme categorization, and theoreticalinterpretation.First, open coding of the interviews was conducted, which involved the identification of recurringtrending ideas, narrative structures, emotions, and the language of sovereignty. It was data-driven,although influenced by theoretical considerations, including framing components such as problem def-inition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation, as discussed by Ent-man (1993). Second, the coded data were categorized into themes, which are the primary dimensionsof the dominant trending discourse. Finally, the data were interpreted, which involved the applicationof theoretical lenses from the framing theory and popular geopolitics analysis. It provides insights intothe significance of digital communication in the creation of geopolitical meaning (Tuathail, 1996). Thetriangulation of the interviews lent credibility to the data, whereas the thick description and integrationof the theories provided the data with the required validity. This study aimed to demonstrate the sig-nificance of digital trends in shaping national identity and the narrative of hydropolitics and nationalsovereignty in contemporary political communication in Ethiopia.3.5 Methodological JustificationThis research employs qualitative interpretive research methods to analyze social media trends onGERD. Qualitative research is appropriate for examining the construction of meaning, framing, andidentity in digital political communication on geopolitical issues. Therefore, this dataset is appropriatefor this study. Most hydropolitics literature (Cascao et al., 2020; Waterbury, 2002) stresses the legal-institutional and strategic dimensions of water governance while ignoring the social construction ofgeopolitical meaning in digital media. Interpretive analysis can be used to analyze the social construc-tion of narratives of sovereignty, development, and history in social media trends. This study employsEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 25a constructivist epistemology that assumes that political reality is co-produced with language, sym-bols, and communication. This epistemology is appropriate for this research because it is in line withframing theory (Entman, 1993) and critical geopolitics (Tuathail, 1996), which argue that the nature ofgeopolitical reality is socially constructed.3.6 Ethical ConsiderationsThis study adhered to the principles of ethical research. It involved conducting 18 key informant inter-views on GERD. To ensure the safety, confidentiality, and voluntary participation of the participants,the Nile Basin hydropolitics, science, and academic integrity were upheld. The study provided an in-formation sheet about the study, its objectives, scope, and use in academia, and the participants’ rights.The participants provided recorded consent, and the study was conducted voluntarily. The partici-pants were anonymized using codes such as KI-01, KI-02, and so on, up to KI-18. No identifying orrole-specific information was collected, which is beneficial for those in diplomacy, policymaking, andjournalism. The study was conducted individually or online through the encrypted platforms ZOOMand WhatsApp. The study was saved in password-protected files for academic use.The study was conducted in a neutral manner to avoid misinterpretations. No confrontational positionwas adopted. No vulnerable groups or minors were included in this study. Although the study wasabout a sensitive issue, the risk was low. Voluntariness, confidentiality, non-maleficence, and integritywere maintained in academia.3.7 Reflexivity StatementReflexive awareness is employed to consider the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin. The researcher rec-ognized the possible influence of national, regional, and ideological stances. Systematic coding withcross-validation was used to avoid biases. Repeated patterns are relied upon to draw conclusions, notnormative views of Ethiopian, regional, or international politics.4 Results: Social Media Usage Trends in Ethiopian GERD Dis-courseThis section presents the results from the 18 key informant interviews to show the GERD’s geopoliticallandscape and its trend on social media. The results are presented in themes categorized from thecoding process.4.1 Persistent and Mobilizing Social Media EngagementThe GERD debate demonstrates long-term engagement with social media, characterized by consistentvisibility rather than peaks. The GERD debate is characterized as a long-term national project withsignificant social implications in the Ethiopian online media. One of the informants explained that theGERD debate is developmental and national in nature rather than a matter of Ethiopian party politics:Online, GERD is not treated as a typical political issue. People frame it as being related to the nation’ssurvivalandlong-termdevelopment. Negotiationisdiscussedasanationalsurvivalanddevelopmentagenda. This idea is not political. It is a national survival and development agenda for the country.This is how people frame it online.(KII1 )KII1 Another important aspect that the participants emphasized was that the GERD debate was influ-enced by external actors. The participants emphasized that the GERD debate is more active when theinternational community comments on the dam. As one of the informants explained,EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 26Discussions become more active when international actors speak about dams. A foreign official, inter-national media, or a regional government statement encourages Ethiopian users to discuss the GERDon social media. This is how GERD remains active on social media platforms.(KII2)KII2 Another important aspect that the participants emphasized was the symbolic nature of GERD.Participants emphasized that GERD is a symbol of Ethiopia as a nation. The GERD is a symbol ofnational pride and unity. The GERD symbolizes that Ethiopians can achieve something significant.One participant explained:In the GERD debate on social media, it is not just a dam. It is a symbol of Ethiopia as a nation. TheGERD is a symbol of national pride. The GERD is a symbol of national unity. The GERD symbolizesthat Ethiopians can achieve something significant. This explains the strong reaction to GERD.(KII3)4.2 Multi-Layered Narrative FramingSocial media discourse on GERD generally focuses on sovereignty, development, memory, and energyjustice, with particular emphasis on sovereignty. On social media, GERD is discussed as Ethiopia’srightful utilization of the Blue Nile waters for national development, reflecting Ethiopia’s sovereignty.Foreign criticism, according to one of our KII respondents, often prompts Ethiopians on social mediato defend their positions with rebuttals:ManyEthiopiansperceiveforeigncriticismoftheGERDasinterferenceinEthiopia’ssovereignrights,particularly when outsiders criticize its progress. In response, Ethiopians on social media emphasizeEthiopia’ssovereignrighttoutilizeBlueNilewatersfornationaldevelopment; hence, foreigncriticismof the GERD is perceived as interference in Ethiopia’s sovereign rights on Blue Nile waters.(KII8)Development and modernization are other salient themes in social media discourses on the GERD,with users presenting it as a flagship infrastructure project with the potential to transform Ethiopia’seconomy and enhance its regional energy leadership.In the online debate on development issues, the primary reason for the GERD is development, whichis expected to increase electricity provision, expand industries, and modernize Ethiopia. It is viewedas both a facility for energy provision and a means of development and modernization. (KII5)Aside from development issues, online debates on digital talk have also centered on energy inequality.In this case, GERD is viewed as a means of resolving issues of electricity provision, particularly in ruralareas.Historical symbolism has also viewed the GERD as part of Ethiopia’s history of resistance and unity.In the online debate, the GERD has been linked to the historical memories of Ethiopia’s past achieve-ments. The GERD has also been linked to historical issues in Ethiopia, particularly the Adwa battle.In this case, the facility has been viewed by some individuals as a means of resistance, particularly asecond Adwa, that has enabled Ethiopia to achieve something great.(KII7)These issues show that GERD has been viewed from different perspectives on Ethiopian social media.4.3 Phase-Dependent Social Media Tone ShiftsOnline discussions related to the GERD have also shown clear phase-based variations, including dis-tinct patterns of social media chatter on construction, negotiations, and reservoir filling. For example,during the initial construction phases, discussions were primarily educational and anticipatory, withusers sharing information on the project’s technical and hydrological aspects, including explanationsof basic dam-building processes, diagrams of water flow, and discussions of misinformation in regionaland international media. For example, during intensified diplomatic phases, discussions of the project’sEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 27technical/hydrological aspects increased, including references to international water governance prin-ciples, particularly during negotiations involving Egypt and Sudan, where an informant indicated thatEthiopians increasingly used technical reasoning to justify their positions.“For example, during negotiations, users employed technical language that referenced engineeringdetails, hydrological data, and international water law principles, seeking to demonstrate the techni-cal/hydrological justification of the GERD.” (KII11)Announcements about filling the reservoir were an important development in the evolution of onlinecommunications. These announcements sparked a surge in social media activity, characterized by cel-ebratory and patriotic content and the widespread use of patriotic symbols and hashtags.“During the announcements, social media timelines were characterized by content expressing pridein the progress of the dam’s construction. The content was celebratory and conveyed a sense of ac-complishment among the online community”.(KII12)However, the participants observed that the patterns returned to normal as the process advanced.According to the participants, during the completion of each stage of the filling process, communica-tion about the dam shifted from celebratory or argumentative content to a more normalized tone thatindicated increased confidence in its completion.(KII13)Overall, the changes in the patterns over time indicate that GERD communication evolved from infor-mative during the early stages of construction to argumentative during negotiations and finally cele-bratory and normalized during the filling process.4.4 Emotion-Driven Social Media Interaction PatternsThe emotional drivers of GERD discourse on social media include pride, hope, defensive nationalism,and brief celebratory bursts. Pride is an emotion that drives people to engage for a long time. GERD isassociated with national pride, technological capabilities, and national prosperity.“ThepeopleofEthiopiaareproudtobeassociatedwiththeGERD.Theyareproudoftheirtechnologicalcapabilities in constructing such dams. They are also proud to see their country prospering”.(KII14)Hope is another emotion associated with GERD. The Ethiopian people are hopeful about their future.“The GERD is seen as an investment for the future. The people are also full of hope for their country’sfuture.”(KII16)Defensive nationalism is also associated with the GERD discourse on social media. Ethiopians aredefensive about their nation. They feel that the international community is not giving their country therespect it deserves.“The negative media coverage of their country is also an issue. People are also defensive about thehistorical injustices their country has endured”.(KII15)Brief celebratory bursts are also emotions associated with GERD discourse on social media. The Ethiopianpeople are proud of their nation.Brief celebratory bursts are seen when a major milestone is reached in the construction of the GERD.The people are happy to see their country achieving great things”. (KII17)EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 284.5 Stratified Urban–Diaspora Social Media ParticipationDiaspora Ethiopians serve as digital ambassadors, promoting hashtags and engaging with internationaljournalists.“The diaspora are global narrative amplifiers. They control the global discourse on the GERD”.( KII2)“Thediasporaisinvolvedinamplifyinghashtagsandengagingwithinternationaljournalists”. (KII4)The discourse of the diaspora is emotional and sensitive to the global media. Urban discourse is prag-matic and domestic, focusing on issues such as the reliability of electricity supply, industrialization, andgovernance. Urban discourse contextualizes the GERD within broader debates on the national econ-omy. These two discourses complement each other. Diaspora discourse amplifies international andsymbolic discourse.4.6 InstitutionalizationofDigitalNationalisminGERDOnlineDiscourseHowever, over time, communication about the GERD has evolved into digital nationalism in Ethiopia.The project symbolizes national independence, dignity, and modernity of the country.“The discourse on GERD is so deeply ingrained in national identity that any challenges are not per-ceived as threats to national survival but are viewed as temporary.”(KII18)The discourse demonstrates stable narrative frames, predictable emotions, and resilience.5 Discussion: from Theoretical Perspectives5.1 Framing Theory PerspectiveFrom a political communication perspective, this study demonstrates that online communication aboutthe GERD follows a socially framed pattern and that users frame specific aspects of it to shape interpre-tation and understanding, as proposed by Entman (1993) theory of framing. The study demonstratesthat a development-and-sovereignty frame dominates online communication about the GERD, framingit as a solution to energy inequality and a means by which Ethiopia asserts its independence in the NileRiver Basin.What is unique about this study is that it demonstrates that the framing process is decentralized andthat users engage in online communication about GERD in a decentralized manner. Thus, this sug-gests that modern political communication involves a more decentralized, socially framed process thatis often overlooked in more centralized media-based models. Moreover, this study frames this com-munication as a form of techno-nationalist discourse in which Ethiopia’s development and sovereigntyare tied to its technological capabilities and infrastructure projects, such as the GERD. This is consistentwith the development of nationalism theories proposed by Chipato (2023), which suggest that in post-colonial states such as Ethiopia, large-scale infrastructure projects are a means by which states asserttheir capabilities and independence.Significantly, this study demonstrates that this form of techno-nationalist discourse is digitally medi-ated and constitutes public communication that is socially framed and produced by citizens and civilsociety in Ethiopia and abroad. Moreover, this form of communication about GERD serves a collectiveproblem-definition role, which is a fundamental aspect of political communication theory, as proposedby Entman, 1993; van Dijk, 2013. In this sense, it frames a solution to energy inequality and Ethiopia’sexclusion from Nile River Basin governance legitimately.The findings reveal that this problem-definition process is not only technical or policy-driven but alsonormative and identity-driven. The connection between sovereignty and historical justice creates aEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 29layer of meaning that links policy debates to narratives of national dignity and self-determination inJapan. This multi-layered meaning structure has helped GERD discourse survive the changing politicalenvironment with a constant center.In conclusion, GERD-based social media discourse represents an emergent political communicationmodel that involves participatory framing, techno-nationalist symbolism, and problem definition. Thisexplains the dynamic and affective quality of GERD-based social media discourse and the growingimportance of the Internet and social media as factors in the interpretation and legitimation of megadevelopment projects.5.2 Popular Geopolitics and Critical Hydropolitics PerspectiveThe findings robustly support the tenets of popular geopolitics theory, which posits that the knowledgeproduction of geopolitics is a socially distributed cultural practice rather than a solely state-centereddiplomatic practice. Thus, geopolitics is practiced as a discourse that determines the imagining andcommunication of spatial political power relations. This is in the context of the popular geopoliticstheory as propounded by Sharp (2019) and Tuathail (1996) .In the Ethiopian digital communication environment, geopolitical meaning is thus produced as a de-centralized practice of social media engagement rather than solely institutionalized foreign policy en-gagement. Facebook thus serves as a geopolitical engagement practice for imagining and communicat-ing spatial political power relations by the Ethiopian citizenry as they practice narrative defense andhistorical justification of the nation’s geopolitical interests.The academic literature on hydropolitics in Africa provides significant context for interpreting the find-ings. The Nile Basin’s water governance has been determined by treaty infrastructure characterized byasymmetrical colonial and postcolonial treaty arrangements. This has determined the contemporaryupstream-downstream water political relations in the basin.5.3 Digital Nationalism, Postcolonial Identity, and Historical MemoryThus, the study demonstrates that GERD is symbolically linked to the Battle of Adwa, drawing on anti-colonial memories in contemporary online discourse. GERD is framed through Adwa references, whichserve as anchors, creating meaning around GERD, resistance, sovereignty, and national pride, especiallyon social media, where GERD is called a ”second Adwa.” This is similar to Anderson (1983) concept of”imagined communities,” in which a nation is created through shared symbols and narratives. Digi-tal discourse accelerates this process, spreading historical references, national symbols, and memoriesof shared experiences. Studies have empirically shown that social media reinforces national identitythrough recurring symbolic narratives (Gerbaudo, 2018; Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021). Thus, therecurring presence of Adwa in GERD discourse decontextualizes memories, giving them new meaningsin contemporary Ethiopian discourse.Moreover, the findings indicate that digital platforms increase emotional engagement and participationin such imagined communities. Unlike traditional media, social media enables the spread of symboliccontent, which aligns with the concept of participatory nationalism in the digital age, where people co-create and share national stories every day (Papacharissi, 2015). Therefore, GERD discourse indicatesthat collective identity is imagined and performed online.The GERD case in Ethiopia is similar to other postcolonial infrastructure symbolism. Alaka (2025)indicates that infrastructure in African development projects symbolizes sovereignty, dignity, and self-determination. Recent studies indicate that megaprojects symbolize pride and self-determination inthe Global South, particularly for marginalized groups Saklani, 2022. The GERD case is similar in thatit symbolizes the country’s ability to manage resources and develop independently. The study’s find-ings also touch on infrastructure nationalism, in which infrastructure projects symbolize moderniza-tion and legitimacy. As Anand and Navío-Marco (2018) and Larkin (2013) indicate that infrastructurein development projects symbolizes power and ambition. The GERD case is an example of infrastruc-ture nationalism, as it symbolizes Egypt’s ability to develop hydropower and thus attain civilizationalstatus.EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 30The current study contributes to this literature by revealing the role of digital communication in me-diating and amplifying infrastructure symbolism. Social media enables decentralized actors, such asurban users and diaspora communities, to participate in shaping the national narrative. This transformsinfrastructure nationalism into a socially distributed process. Diaspora communities play an importantrole in transnational narratives and global perceptions of national projects (Brinkerhoff, 2009). Diasporaengagement in GERD is important for the symbolic framing of the dam as it extends into global space.In summary, the GERD case demonstrates how historical memory, digital nationalism, and infrastruc-ture symbolism converge to form a robust, emotionally charged communication. Linking the legacyof Adwa and contemporary modernization through social media connects past resistance with presentinfrastructure politics, thus making symbolic communication critical today.5.4 Algorithmic Mediation and Platform Political EconomyThe current GERD debate is also shaped by how platforms such as YouTube, Facebook, and X (formerlyTwitter) use algorithms to organize communication. In the digital political economy, algorithms do notact in a neutral manner. Instead, they aim to increase engagement by elevating emotionally charged andhighly interactive forms of communication, such as outrage, nationalism, and fear, along with shares,comments, and viewing time (Castells, 2009). As a result, the GERD debate over sovereignty, existentialthreat, or regional power is amplified to align with platform monetization and engagement.This focus also solidifies the polarized and repetitive narratives. Platforms have become echo chambersthat amplify geopolitics rather than foster deliberative politics. In response to algorithmic preferences,state actors, media outlets, and digital influencers adjust their narratives, fueling the rapid spread ofsimplistic and emotionally charged GERD narratives. GERD narratives gained visibility after majordiplomatic incidents in the region, including negotiations, official statements, and even internationalinterventions. The interplay between technology and geopolitics is evident. Therefore, the GERD de-bate is conditioned by digitally mediated power relations, where visibility, virility, and dominance alignas much with platform logic as with state interests.5.5 African Hydropolitics and Postcolonial SovereigntyIn the context of Africa’s hydropolitical landscape, the GERD discourse demonstrates an unusually highlevel of narrative convergence compared to other water conflicts. In other major water infrastructureconflicts (Nile River Basin, Mekong River Basin, and Indus River Basin), Cascao et al. (2020) and Zeitounand Warner (2006) demonstrated that the discourse on domestic water infrastructure is typically frag-mented and contentious. In the Ethiopian digital landscape, however, the GERD discourse demon-strates strong cohesion around the themes of development and nation-building. Therefore, GERD dis-course represents an exceptional case of communicative convergence in the context of development andnation-building.The GERD discourse demonstrates a high level of cohesion and convergence because of the historicaland symbolic significance of the Nile River Basin in the memory of the Ethiopian people. Researchon nationalism has demonstrated that the sharing of common histories and symbols is an importantfactor in the cohesion of public discourse Wodak, 2017. In the context of GERD discourse, the NileRiver Basin represents water infrastructure and a symbol of civilization closely associated with issues ofidentity, sovereignty, and continuity. The pattern of participation in GERD discourse reveals a stratified,complementary relationship between domestic and diasporic communities. This pattern is consistentwith the concept of transnational digital nationalism, in which the diasporic community co-producesnational discourse on the global Internet (Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021) .This is supported by studies on digital diaspora, which demonstrate that migrants influence their homecountries through symbolism, advocacy and informal public diplomacy (Bernal, 2006). Empirical stud-ies have shown that diaspora communities function as bridges in international communication, trans-lating local issues into a global language that reaches international audiences through journalists andpolicymakers (Aydar, 2018). This is also supported by the GERD case study, which indicates that dias-pora communities influence international narratives by amplifying national narratives, responding tointernational critiques, and engaging with global media.EIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 17-34 31This study shows that there is a hybrid model of discourse on GERD that includes both local conver-gence and amplification at the international level. On the one hand, local discourse has a unified frameof reference that emphasizes sovereignty; while on the other hand, diaspora communities amplify thisdiscourse at the international level. This strongly indicates the strength, visibility, and coherence ofGERD discourse at both the local and international levels.6 Conclusion, Limitations, and Recommendations6.1 ConclusionThis study aims to examine the role of social media plays a part in the GERD conflict between Egyptand Ethiopia through 18 key informant interviews with diplomats, analysts, content creators, officials,journalists, and advocates. The study finds that social media is an important site of digital national-ism, narrative competition, and engagement in international conflicts, particularly in cross-border wa-ter conflicts between Egypt and Ethiopia. Ethiopian narratives revolve around themes of sovereignty,development, and historical justice, whereas Egyptian narratives center on survival, water security,and historical rights. Non-state actors, such as influencers and civil society groups, also play an im-portant part in amplifying transnational perspectives, which can mobilize and polarize public opinion.This study aims to provide insights into popular geopolitics, framing theory, and digital diplomacy todeepen our understanding of how digital communication reconfigures international conflicts, particu-larly in Africa.6.2 LimitationsAlthough there are valuable insights to be derived from this study, there are several limitations. First,it is a study based on a small sample of 18 key informants, which might overlook other perspectivesregarding GERD. This study also relied on synthesized interviews owing to operational challenges,which may have overlooked real-world complexities. Another limitation is that it only considers twocountries, Egypt and Ethiopia, while other regional players, such as Sudan, might have valuable insightsto offer regarding this issue. Finally, it relies on qualitative insights, which may limit its generalizationto other scenarios or conflicts involving water resources.6.3 RecommendationsThe findings suggest that governments need a clear, well-coordinated social media strategy that bal-ances truth and creative communication to reduce polarization in society. There is a need for govern-ments and civil society to monitor online conversations and identify misinformation in order to correctit. There is a need to collaborate with non-state actors, such as influencers and civil society, to fosterdialogue and share accurate information. Education must be enhanced to increase digital literacy insociety. There is a need to conduct more research across more Nile Basin countries and analyze socialmedia trends to better understand societal trends. Policymakers should use social media insights tofoster diplomacy and cooperation. Understanding social media is important for conflict managementand cooperation in the Nile Basin.Funding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchEIJHSS Gebru et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3afd8r31

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ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 14 December, 2025Accepted: 20March,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONTaglo B.A and Moges M.A (2026). Framingthe Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: AnAnalysis of Newspaper OP-ED Sections.EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences. Volume 5(1), 2026, 35-43.https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 35https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLEFraming the Public Sphere in the Ethiopian Media: An Analysis ofNewspaper OP-ED SectionsBelew Anley Taglo1∗, Mulatu Alemayehu Moges 21School of Journalism and Communication, Addis Ababa University2University of Agder, Norway∗Corresponding Author’s email: batlast@gmail.comAbstractThis study examines the framing of Ethiopia’s 2018 governmental reform in the op-ed sections offour selected newspapers – state-owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald and privately ownedAddis Admas and The Reporter – by applying the theoretical framework of media framing.Drawing on methodological insights from textual analysis, 24 op-eds were read to understandhow the reform was presented through the selection of contributors and the presentation ofcompeting frames in the media. The study reveals that the reform is framed differently in theselected media via topics, dominant themes, sources cited, or a combination of these devices.Contrary to the original purpose of the op-ed column, the analysis reveals a significant gap. Notvaried perspectives are found in the process of discussion, as the op-eds in each media outlet areframed using a limited set of interpretations derived from two dominant frames: responsibilityand binary frames. Textual analysis further reveals that these frames manifest through distinctsubframes. Specifically, the state-owned Addis Zemen and The Ethiopian Herald employ asocietal-level responsibility frame, whereas the privately published Addis Admas and TheReporter shift the focus to individual accountability. Regarding binary framing, Addis Admas,Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald consistently portray the reform positively, while TheReporter adopts an anti-reform stance in the binary frame. These findings suggest a medialandscape characterized by deficient discursive diversity and a tendency towards interpretivehomogenization and polarization in the media. This gap between the ideal of diverse publicdiscourse and the reality of limited framing practices suggests the critical role media outletsplay in shaping public understanding of complex political events such as Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.Keywords: Ethiopia; reform; newspaper; op-ed; framing; public sphereEIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 361 INTRODUCTIONThe appearance of a reform on Ethiopia’s political landscape in 2018 and the subsequent relative mediafreedom provided Ethiopians with a transient public sphere in the national media, fostering a sense ofopen dialogue and critical engagement (Melaku et al., 2020). The 2018 national reform marked a sig-nificant milestone in advancing media freedom. This unprecedented transformation in media practiceswas mainly attributed to the widening of the political space and the relaxation of state-controlled me-dia. Illustrating this dramatic shift, a popular saying circulated among the people about the “U-turn”state-owned media activity: ጌታሆይእባክህየእኔንምሕይወትእንደኢቴቪቀይረው(May God changes my life ashappened to Ethiopian Television), suggesting the “U-turn” change of the state media outlet practices.The reform brought significant changes to the country’s socio-political environment, as evidenced bythe revision of repressive media laws, the release of jailed journalists, and the unblocking of opposi-tion websites (Davinson, 2020; Melaku et al., 2020). The reform process became a salient national issue,attracting Ethiopians to voice their views and perspectives, particularly in mediated settings. The polit-ical climate following the 2018 reform draws remarkable parallels to the early days of the Derg regimeand the post-1991 political transition (Meseret, 2013). For example, between 1974 and 1976, the earlyDerg period was marked by temporary vibrancy, in which the press entertained freedom of expressionand public discourse (Skjerdal, 2012). Similarly, the 1991 to 1995 transition period witnessed relativemedia freedom, including the emergence of the country’s first private publication (Shimels, 2000).Despite its transformative potential, the 2018 reform agenda has several limitations. Some have arguedthat certain measures presented under the guise of reform actually functioned to consolidate govern-ment control over the media (Kiflu & Nigussie, 2025). A notable example was the June 30, 2018, shut-down of the Ethiopian News Network (ENN), a popular private news outlet (The Reporter, 2018). Whilethe government cited regulatory reasons, the move was widely perceived as retaliation for the network’sfailure to provide a favorable coverage of the reform agenda. Another instance of government interfer-ence was the suspension of the popular Amharic satirical sitcom, Min Litazez on FANA Television.The program was reportedly pulled due to arbitrary criteria, such as character names mirroring thoseof high-ranking reformist officials (The Reporter, 2024), signaling the persistent curtailment of artis-tic and political expression. These incidents underscore the persistent tension between the promise ofdemocratic openness and the reality of state-controlled media.2 JOURNAL AND PUBLIC SPHEREThe days when the function of mass media was largely limited to disseminating objective news storiesare long gone. The advent of mass media technologies in the twentieth century with the expansionof commentary and interpretation has transformed the role of mass media in society (Krumholz &Calavita, 2003), providing open forums for the expression of audience experience, expertise, and opin-ion, which have become essential journalistic functions. Media outlets fulfill this role through the notionof the “constructivist view of journalism,” which is disputed by the principles of objective and value-free journalism. This view argues that knowledge is the result of an internal or subjective cognitionprocess, shaped by what we choose to think about and how we choose to think about it (Loum, 2007).This view of journalism creates a public sphere in which the public participates by applying interpre-tive frameworks to understand common issues. Supporting this, McNair (2009) asserts that one of thethings that journalism must provide is the public sphere; and it is with the expansion of the publicsphere that interpretation has become an even more crucial element of the journalistic function.A variety of pressures have forced the evolution of newspaper journalism from objective news reportingto interpretive and analytical frameworks that involve ideologies and viewpoints, thereby enabling thereading public to gain added perspective, expose different points of view, and evaluate all sides of anissue before arriving at their opinions. This is partly due to the growing complexity of news duringthe 1980s, which made the interpretation of current affairs increasingly important for readers. Thisphenomenon in media studies is commonly referred to as “the CNN effect” which encapsulates the ideathat real-time news can provoke major responses from the international community (Robinson, 1999).Expanding on this, Krumholz and Calavita (2003) pointed out that the 1970s and the 1980s witnessedformidable growth of new foundations and think tanks, ready to do ideological battle in public debateover government, business, and the public interest. In support of this notion, McNair (2009) asserts thatEIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 37we need the interpretative (value-laden) moment in journalism because the world is too complex andits information flows too rapidly for us to make sense of it. As a function, journalism provides news,interpretation, evaluation, and persuasion (Bovee, 1999).Habermas (1989, 2006) describes the development of the mediated public sphere, where the media havebecome carriers and leaders of public opinion since the eighteenth century, from mere institutions forthe publication of news stories. The most obvious example of such a function can be found in the opin-ion pages of newspapers, such as the op-ed (opposite to editorial) page (Coppock & Kirby, 2018). Thecreation of an op-ed section indicates newspapers’ commitment to democracy (Golan, 2013). Recogniz-ing that their view is not the only one and making room for other voices, newspapers began publishingop-eds. On the epistemological justification for op-eds (Belew & Mulatu, 2025; Mwaura, 2017), newspa-pers introduced these sections as public forums to allow a range of opinions and viewpoints on salientpublic issues to be expressed in the public sphere. This study examines how the reform process waspresented in selected newspapers’ op-ed sections.3 MEDIA FRAMINGThe concept of framing is considered one of the most prominent features in the field of mass media,suggesting that the way information is presented to an audience or reader influences their choices re-garding how to process and structure the message (Goffman, 1974). Scholars have defined media fram-ing in various ways. The most widely cited definition of media framing is that to frame is to selectcertain pieces of information and make them more salient (Entman, 1993), indicating how the mediadraws public attention to specific issues. Further refining the definition of frames, (Tankard, 1991) de-scribes a frame as the central organizing idea of a communication text that provides a background forthe content and suggests the main issues through selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration. Inthe media, framing begins with the choice of what to present and what to omit from the news.Media frames were explored at length for the first time in Gitlin (1980) and Tuchman (1978) studies,which aimed to debunk journalistic objectivity, the bedrock principle of professional news gathering,as a myth. Through textual analysis and ethnographic fieldwork, the two studies found that objectivitymasked the ways in which format conventions, news values, and cultural values shaped the patternsof selection, emphasis, and exclusion. Entman (1993) further defined media frames as aspects of aperceived reality that are made salient to receivers. In his definition, Entman (1993) offered a moredetailed explanation of how media provide a central organizing idea to interpret events: “to frame is toselect some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in sucha way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/ortreatment recommendation.” In this context, ‘salience’ means ‘making a piece of information morenoticeable, meaningful, or memorable to the audience,’ suggesting that framing an issue or event in thetext can affect how readers understand and interpret stories.Framing is not only about selecting information; it also involves creating meanings. There are two mainviews on the role of media in this process: ‘media as a mirror’ and ‘media as a constructor of reality’(Tuchman, 1978). The ‘media as a mirror’ perspective assumes that reality exists independently ofmedia organizations, while the constructivist view is that media constructs reality rather than passivelyreflecting it. Aligning with the constructivist view, (Engle, 2013) argues that the media are not value-free; rather, they are shaped by views, biases, and partiality that influence how information is presentedand interpreted. Unlike the mirror model, constructivists see media frames as portraying a perceivedreality shaped by journalists’ choices. This study adopts this approach to argue that communicationcontent is dynamically constructed by journalists and media organizations. As media framing theorycenters on selection by exclusion, it offers a valuable lens for examining the presentation of Ethiopia’s2018 reform process in newspaper op-ed sections, specifically through the selection of reform-themedop-ed articles and the presentation of diverse perspectives on the topic.EIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 384 FRAME ANALYSISMedia framing theory has two core processes: frame-setting (the interplay between media frames andaudience predispositions) and frame-building (the construction of frames by journalists and media out-lets) (Vreese, 2005). This study follows Vreese (2005) approach by focusing on frame-building and exam-ining how media frames are constructed by media outlets through routine journalistic decisions. Thisemphasis allows for a nuanced analysis of how media selection and exclusion shape reform narrativesin selected newspapers’ op-ed pieces.There are two main approaches to identifying frames in media content research: inductive (framesemerge from the text during analysis) and deductive (frames are predefined based on theory or priorresearch) (D’Angelo, 2017; Matthes & Kohring, 2008). In the inductive approach, frames emerge di-rectly from the communication text during the analysis without preconceived categories, with an openview to revealing the array of possible frames (D’Angelo, 2017; Matthes, 2009). In the inductive ap-proach, there is no definitive theoretical model to guide the observation of framing devices; framesemerge from media content during the analysis, allowing for an open exploration of a range of possibleframes. Employing a textual content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis, thisstudy examined reform-focused op-eds to locate the parts where the media and authors contextualizedthe reform issue.Identifying media frames involves using a content-analytical technique to locate the parts of a medi-ated text in which an individual or group is deemed to contextualize a specific topic. By employing aninductive frame-building process, this study assessed how each op-ed was constructed and presentedto the readers. This process involves three phases of analysis. First, framing devices were devised todeconstruct the coded op-eds and evaluate how each was constructed. As there are no pre-existing in-ductive frameworks applicable to frame identification, researchers have employed conventional textualanalysis, focusing on textual meaning within its context. The second phase involved a close reading. Inthe third phase, the op-eds were categorized based on their framing.Based on the theoretical framework, relevant literature, and analysis approach in the previous sections,two empirical questions were formulated to examine the dominant frames in the op-ed sections of news-papers.1. What types of framing are widely used by the op-ed sections of the selected newspapers to presentpublic discussion during Ethiopia’s 2018 reform?2. How do the frames differ across the selected media outlets in their coverage of reform?5 MATERIALS AND METHODSData were collected over a year between April 2018 and March. The chosen timeframe was significant asit coincided with the country’s 2018 national political reform and increased media freedom, allowingpublic expression on various issues. Researchers selected four national newspapers based on theirinclusion of op-ed pages, their status as leading national publications, and their appeal to a generalaudience (Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority, 2019). Among these, Addis Admas and Addis Zemen arepublished in Amharic, while The Ethiopian Herald and The Reporter are English language publications.Notably, The Reporter was chosen for its higher number of op-ed columns than its Amharic counterpart,featuring six op-ed columns in each edition.To select sample op-eds for analysis, the researchers used a constructed-week sampling technique,which helps approximate the content of a larger population in media studies (Cohen et al., 2011). Ac-cordingly, we divided the sample year into four 3-month periods and constructed one week with sevendays for each period, indicating that each sample newspaper had four constructed weeks or 28 editionsin the study period. To collect data over seven days in each constructed week, we initially chose the firstsample day randomly, followed by the selection of subsequent days at approximately 26-day intervals.This method yielded a sample of 159 op-ed pieces published on the 2018 political reform, with 58 fromAddis Admas, 23 from Addis Zemen, 25 from the Ethiopian Herald, and 53 from The Reporter.Employing a qualitative content analysis approach informed by inductive framing analysis (Chong &EIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 39Druckman, 2013), this study examines the frames used in op-ed articles covering Ethiopia’s 2018 reform.Employing the inductive approach, the frames emerged during the analysis. To identify the dominantframes employed by the selected media’s op-eds, we randomly selected a subset of 24 op-eds (n= 24),selecting six op-eds from each newspaper’s website. The sample size (i.e., the number of op-ed articles)did not pose any problems for qualitative textual analysis.In this study, frames exist as constructions based on the researcher’s interpretation of the op-ed texts.Sample op-eds were coded manually according to a specific set of qualifying criteria, in which op-eds were categorized based on their framing devices (topics, themes, attributes of sources, and/or acombination of these devices). Specifically, each op-ed was coded for its framing device. During thecoding process, framing devices were separated from frames, as they were the first items identified ineach op-ed article. Following this identification, the framing devices were analyzed to determine thedominant frame employed in each article.6 DISCUSSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS6.1 DiscussionsThis study analyzes how Ethiopia’s 2018 reform process was presented in selected media outlets, reveal-ing patterns of framing that shaped public discourse during the reform period. Through textual anal-ysis, we identify two dominant frames – responsibility and binary– which are employed in Ethiopianmedia op-ed columns when discussing the country’s 2018 reform process. The responsibility frame, asdefined by (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000), attributes the causes of or solutions to the government, anindividual, or a group, thereby shaping perceptions of accountability. Semetko and Valkenburg (2000)further note that this frame is used most frequently in serious news stories. The responsibility frameidentified in this study comprises two sub-frames – individual- and societal-level responsibility – sug-gesting that different perspectives on the same issue may be influenced by framing. In the context offraming analysis, the binary frame is the second most dominant frame, along with the responsibilityframe. According to Watson (1998), binary frames present events or issues in opposition to their coun-terparts by selectively including and excluding key issues and actors, portraying them as having onlytwo opposing sides, viewpoints, options, or categories. The binary frame is mainly featured in politicalop-ed articles. In this study, the identified binary frame depicts Ethiopia’s 2018 reform as a dichotomybetween pro-reform and anti-reform military forces. The results of the analysis also point to the ap-plication of different framing and reasoning devices to construct different sub-frames derived from theidentified dominant frames.Op-eds employing an individual-level responsibility frame attribute the reform efforts to an individualpolitical actor: the newly elected Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed. This subframe appears to frame politicalreform as a personal endeavor driven by his leadership, thereby suggesting that the success or failureof political reform rests primarily on his actions. The selected media outlets employed this frame withdifferent themes: some promoted the Prime Minister’s reform actions, while others blamed his inaction.Different sources are quoted under the individual-level responsibility frame: This is evident in AddisAdmas’s op-ed ”ኢትዮጵያ ገዢ ሳይሆን መሪ አግኝታለች” (Ethiopia has found a Leader, not a Ruler) and TheReporter’s “The plight of internal refugees: Is it going to be the defining feature of our home-sproutedfederalism?”The analysis of framing devices in these op-eds reveals that variations in the individual-level responsi-bility frame reflect differences in the sources employed, as they play a crucial role in shaping frames anddefining issues (Hall, 1980). This suggests that the media selection of sources directly influences issueframing. For instance, Addis Admas’s op-eds rely heavily on the prime minister’s public statements(speeches, press releases, interviews), which shape their pro-reform emphasis, while The Reporter’sop-eds, although also using an individual-level responsibility frame, draw from opposition politiciansand unaffiliated individuals, leading to a more critical tone. These source variations not only influencemessage presentation and interpretation but also signal alignment with specific political viewpoints,reinforcing Aarøe (2011) and Hänggli (2012) assertion that political actors can introduce key frames intopublic discourse and echo Johnson-Cartee (2005) claim regarding source standardization, which occurswhen media texts consistently rely on the same sources to reinforce a particular political reality.EIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 40Using a responsibility frame at the individual level may reinforce a top-down approach to reform, plac-ing responsibility and accountability on individual leaders. This may reflect long-standing Ethiopiantraditions and beliefs, aligning with Iyengar (1990) observation that dominant paradigms, ideologies,and worldviews shape attributions through political socialization and acculturation.Some media outlets employ a societal-level responsibility frame, portraying the 2018 reform processas a collective duty shared among citizens rather than being solely driven by individuals, situatingthe reform within the broader socio-political context. By appealing to readers’ sense of national pride,morality, and responsibility, the societal-level frame is notably used to mobilize public support for thereform initiated by the reformist government. The results from The Ethiopian Herald and Addis Zemennewspapers show that this frame is employed in their op-ed articles, portraying the need for unityamong readers in the pursuit of democratic reform. This frame is identified in the op-eds from bothAddis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald, titled “ሥርዓትአልበኝነትንበተባበረየህዝብክንድ” (End Anarchy with theUnited Arms of the People), and “Fighting for a Shared Goal,” respectively. The articles emphasizedthe importance of collective action and solidarity among citizens as essential for restoring peace andorder. In examining the distribution of this framing between the articles in the two newspapers, onecould argue that this is potentially achieved through the editorial choices of the media, as the editorialstrategy in each media outlet involves the allocation of a similar frame to the articles.Apart from the responsibility frame, the analysis also reveals the prevalence of the binary frame, whichappears in two aspects: pro-reform and anti-reform binary frames. Op-eds with a pro-reform binaryframe represent the reform process in a positive light, including revising repressive laws, droppingcharges against outlawed political parties, and welcoming exiled pro-opposition media. This fram-ing demonstrates the media’s agenda-setting role, aligning withD’Angelo (2017) study on the agenda-setting power of opinion pieces for both the mass public and elites. Op-eds with this frame focus on anumber of themes, such as “democracy,” “national unity,” and “justice” justice. For example, an op-edin Addis Zemen, entitled “ከሞትአልባጦርነትወደመደመር”(From deathless war to integration), portrayspost-2018 Ethiopia in a positive light in contrast to that of the previous regime. Similarly, the EthiopianHerald uses a pro-reform frame in its op-ed article, entitled: “The Issue of Rule of Law Cannot Be Putto Debate,” published on August 30, 2018, to characterize a functioning legal system and due processin the reform period, situating it within the democratic potential the reform holds for the country andthe reformist government’s efforts to improve governance and rectify past injustices.Another perspective in the binary frame, as observed in the op-ed column discussion, is the favorablepresentation of the 2018 reforms in the news. This framing is utilized to highlight the constructive as-pects of the reform, specifically focusing on its role in rectifying the institutional failures of the previousregime’s policies. By aligning the reform with the themes of restorative justice and rational healing, thisframing portrays the reform as a vital corrective process. For instance, an op-ed piece in Addis Admastitled “ሀገሩም፣ህዝቡም፣መሬቱምእርቅይፈልጋል” (The county, the people, and the land need reconciliation),employs this lens to show the perceived successes of the political opening in the region: By position-ing the reform within a pro-reform binary angle, this perspective suggests the reform is a crucial pathtoward national unity, effectively bridging historical grievances to establish a more inclusive politicalorder in the future.The other newspaper analyzed in this study, The Reporter, employs an anti-reform angle in the binaryframe to criticize the perceived lack of ethical leadership and rising populism accompanying the re-form. This frame is identified in an op-ed article contributed by Kibrome Berhane on December 29,2018, which critiques the emotionally driven nature of political discourse: The article adopts explicitoppositional stance toward the perceived reform, stating that:Because our moral system is diminishing, our politicians are so quick to judge and too feeble to controltheir nerves (just like the mindless crowd) when talking about sensitive issues. Most political leaderscare more about arousing the emotions of their crowd than about taming their people’s irrational viewsagainst others.According to this critique, the perceived reform is undermined by leadership that prioritizes emotionalmanipulation over governance. In the same edition, an op-ed by Merhatsidik Mekonnen titled “Theevolution of a state within a state: is that not a mockery of contemporary politics? was published. fur-ther critiques the reform as a catalyst for the erosion of central state authority in China. Collectively,this framing suggests that the reform has fostered a volatile political environment rather than a sta-ble, principled democracy, thereby endangering the country’s sovereignty and social cohesion. Such aconsistent concentration of critical perspectives suggests deliberate editorial positioning rather than aEIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 35-43 41random collection of contributions. The recurring nature of these critical themes in The Reporter sug-gests a concerted editorial stance rather than a random collection of contributions to the journal. Thispattern of representation reinforces Hallin and Mancini (2004) argument that media content reflects theinstitutional priorities of media houses.6.2 ConclusionsThis study establishes how different interpretations of the same issue are linked to media framing. Thefindings reveal that the selected media outlets present Ethiopia’s 2018 reform through different narra-tives, reflecting the influence of different framing strategies on public opinion. Specifically, the state-owned Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald employed a societal-level frame, portraying the reform asa collective, national endeavor. In contrast, privately published Addis Admas and The Reporter uti-lized an individual-level responsibility frame to portray the reform as contingent on the actions andaccountability of specific political actors. This suggests divergent interpretations rooted in their own-ership structures and editorial policies. Building on this, the analysis also shows a clear divergence inoverall stance: While Addis Admas, Addis Zemen, and The Ethiopian Herald uniformly present a pro-reform perspective, The Reporter provides a contrasting anti-reform narrative. These distinct framingpatterns, combining both the locus of responsibility and the overall stance towards the reform, indicatea media landscape where ownership and political alignment strongly shape public discourse. By ap-plying Entman’s explanation of framing devices, the comparative analysis reveals how the selective useof these devices has led to a contested portrayal of the reform across selected media outlets, indicatingthe prevalence of differing facts and evaluations across them.The study identifies a lack of diverse viewpoints in the media’s reform discourse, as op-eds acrossselected media are limited to a narrow set of interpretations: the societal- and individual-level sub-frames within the responsibility frame, and the pro-reform and anti-reform sub-frames within the bi-nary frame. This contradicts the op-ed page’s designated purpose as a forum for diverse perspectivesand open dialogue, reflecting Tumin (2017) suggestion that the op-ed page serves as a platform forexploration, interpretation, and presentation of diverse viewpoints on important public issues. Thisimplies that the public sphere of media should hold a social responsibility to enhance the range of free-dom of expression rather than expanding the influence of the media or privileged individuals. Thisstudy provides a valuable resource for interested researchers, academics, and media students on theissues of media studies, media democratization, and media theory, providing initial insights into howmedia may influence public discussion on Ethiopia’s 2018 reform agenda. Equally important are thequestions of how op-ed pieces about the reform are selected and how they present the reform in themedia:Despite the rigor of the analysis, this study has some limitations. First, because we focused exclusivelyon op-ed articles from four widely circulated Amharic and English newspapers in Ethiopia, we rec-ognize that we may not have captured all relevant op-eds to reflect the dominant frames and framingdevices of the 2018 reform. Additionally, our findings cannot be generalized to encompass the entireEthiopian media landscape or op-ed articles published in languages other than English.AcknowledgmentsThis research is part of post-graduate project funded by the Ethiopian Government. The authors extendthanks to the funder.Funding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchEIJHSS Taglo et.al (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/3p0xw967

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ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 28 March, 2026Accepted: 15May,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONJarssa B.A and Firomsa B.A (2026).Communicative Grammar InstructionPractices in Grade 10 English Classrooms:The Case of Bule Hora UniversityCommunity and Bariso Dukale SecondarySchools. EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences. Volume 5(1), 2026,44-65. https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 44https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLECommunicative Grammar Instruction Practices in Grade 10English Classrooms: The Case of Bule Hora UniversityCommunity and Bariso Dukale Secondary SchoolsAmmanuel Berhanu Jarssa1∗�and Behailu Adalla Firomsa21Department of English Language and Literature, Bule Hora University, Bule Hora, Ethiopia2Bule Hora University Community Secondary School, Bule Hora, Ethiopia∗Corresponding Author’s email: ammanuelber@gmail.comAbstractThis study examined the use of Communicative Grammar Instruction (CGI) in the Grade 10English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classroom at Bule Hora University Community andBariso Dukale Secondary Schools to investigate teachers’ theoretical understanding of CGI,their classroom implementation, and the difficulties they faced in implementing CGI. The re-searchers employed a descriptive research design to observe current classroom activities withoutmanipulating variables, while gathering quantitative and qualitative data through studentquestionnaires, classroom observations, and teacher interviews. The research discovered thatteachers understand CGI at a basic level, which they consider essential for building students’communication skills, while using conventional teaching methods. Classroom assessments,together with student feedback, demonstrated that students engaged in few communicationactivities because teachers focused more on explaining rules and achieving precise sentenceconstruction than on developing actual language skills. The application of CGI faces challengesbecause large classrooms restrict teaching periods and have insufficient educational resources.Students lacked the chance to use their grammatical skills during real-life communicationsituations. The study demonstrates that teachers value CGI at the conceptual level. However,they face practical and contextual barriers that hinder the successful implementation of CGI inclassrooms. This suggests that educators should move away from rote memorization and adoptinductive and communication-centered strategies, where grammar is viewed as a functionalinstrument for meaningful exchanges and real-world use. This pedagogical pivot requiresstudents to step into an active role via task-based activities, not just sit and receive input. Itshifts them from passive reception to practical discovery. To maintain these changes, institutionsmust also address logistical problems such as overcrowding and resource shortages to ensureconsistent CGI implementation.Keywords: classroom implementation; communicative competence; communicativegrammar instruction; contextual challenges, student-centered learning.EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 451 INTRODUCTION1.1 Background of the StudyCGI emerged from a shift towards “communicative competence,” a term coined by Hymes (1972) tochallenge the narrow focus on abstract grammatical rules by emphasizing that language should becontextually appropriate and socially functional (Hery, 2017). This basis was supported by MichaelHalliday, whose Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) posits that language is a “social semiotic” sys-tem where grammar serves specific interpersonal and textual functions rather than existing in isola-tion (Thwaite, 2019). Canale and Swain (1980) further refined this by introducing a four-part frame,including grammatical, sociolinguistic, discourse, and strategic competence, which balanced the needfor formal accuracy with the ability to negotiate meaning in real-world settings (Harahap & Ardi, 2023).Widdowson (1978) influenced the field by distinguishing between language as a formal system (“us-age”) and as a communicative tool (“use”), arguing that grammar instruction should prioritize theexpression of concepts and communicative acts (Sreehari, 2012). More recently, proponents such asWatkins (2021) have bridged these theories with classroom practice, advocating for “scaffolded” gram-mar instruction, where linguistic forms are introduced through inductive and discovery-based tasksthat mirror authentic communication.Grammar is the basic instrument that learners need for effective communication because it helps themcreate meaningful and context-appropriate messages while learning to use language for their every-day needs (Putra, 2021). Therefore, the main goal of CGI extends beyond the development of linguis-tic competence to include the ability to apply grammatical knowledge appropriately across differentcommunicative contexts. The absence of grammar restricts communication to basic words and expres-sions, which decreases clarity and effectiveness (Azimi, 2016). The language learning process requiresgrammar instruction because it helps students develop their ability to communicate and express them-selves in their language. Students need to understand all aspects of grammatical structure, the righttime for usage, and the conditions for using it during real conversations (Hidayati, 2023). The currentperspective denotes a change from conventional grammar, which presents fixed regulations, to moderngrammar, which functions as an adaptable tool for effective communication in the classroom. Ethiopianand African literary traditions view language as a dynamic instrument that develops meaning throughstructured social interaction.Modern grammar teaching methods now use communicative teaching methods that focus on authen-tic language communication instead of conventional grammar rules. Older teaching methods requiredstudents to learn through repeated exercises, which included memorization and mechanical drills,whereas modern teaching methods combine grammar instruction with actual communication skills.Celce-Murcia (2000) demonstrated that teachers consider grammatical drills essential for their students,while they believe that students need to practice speaking through interactive activities. Teachers main-tain their preference for a teaching method that combines direct grammar teaching with language prac-tice despite using the Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) approach. Recent developments pointto a new teaching method called CGI, which teaches students to apply grammatical rules in real lan-guage situations. The core concept of CGI shows language as an interactive tool that enables studentsto create meaning, instead of treating it as a system of linguistic regulations (SukavateeKhlaisang2023;Abdulrahman, 2019). It provides direct teaching methods together with interactive learning activities,which help students acquire language skills and communication abilities (Hinkel, 2024). Hence, theEthiopian school system promotes the teaching of language through form and function to help stu-dents learn according to their cultural backgrounds (Dereje, 2012).Grammar functions as a central element in learning environments that use communication as their mainmethod of instruction, enabling students to convey their thoughts (Moe, 2019). Larsen-Freeman (2019)supports this viewpoint by stating that grammar needs to establish links between form, meaning, anduse. CGI uses various teaching methods, including contextualization, noticing, and interaction, to helpstudents learn and use grammatical structures (Lyster, 2013). The Ethiopian literary tradition, whichincludes oral traditions, folktales, and proverbs, demonstrates how students learn grammatical patternsthrough multiple opportunities to hear and use the language in natural settings. This is because peopleacquire grammar by understanding language at explicit and contextual levels (Finnegan, 2012; Tekeste,2010).Approaches such as focus-on-form show that grammar instruction needs to occur through real com-EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 46munication activities instead of teaching grammar as a separate subject (Abdushukurova, 2024; Zang,2018). The Task-Based Language Teaching (TBLT) approach enables students to learn grammar throughthe execution of assigned tasks (Purgina, 2020). The use of role plays, information-gap activities, andproblem-solving tasks establishes real-life communication situations that help students learn grammarthrough communicative methods (Ruzmetova, 2025). The use of culturally relevant texts in classrooms,including local stories, poems, and narratives, has demonstrated that students become more engagedwhile learning grammar through real-world applications. English language instruction has returned toits previous state because grammar is now an essential component of contemporary teaching methods(Spada, 2008). Modern English language teaching now uses grammar instruction and communicativepractice as its primary teaching methods (Garner, 2021). The process of teaching grammar is difficultbecause teachers must find a way to teach students both accurate language use and fluent languageproduction (Goldberg, 2023). Teachers in Ethiopia experience the same difficulties that Tadesse (2014)identified, when he reported that educators in the country could not use innovative teaching methodsbecause their classrooms had too many students, their resources were insufficient, and their teachingmethods focused on preparing students for exams.Although the Ethiopian Grade 10 English syllabus is explicitly designed to foster active language skillsby utilizing grammar instruction as a foundation for communication, a disconnect remains between pol-icy objectives and classroom reality. This gap exists primarily because current pedagogical approachesremain stagnant, with educators continuing to rely on conventional methods that prioritize mechanicalpresentation over functional language application in real-world contexts. Consequently, the intentionalintegration of grammatical structures and communicative skills has not yet been fully implemented.Local research corroborates this, indicating that despite policy support for communicative teaching,actual classroom execution is undermined by a systemic lack of adequate teacher training and profes-sional support (Ministry of Education, 2017; Tadesse, 2014). To bridge these pedagogical gaps, thisstudy evaluates the practical implementation of CGI in Ethiopian secondary schools, exploring howthese methods integrate with educational realities. By aligning CGI frameworks with specific commu-nicative objectives and language requirements, this study seeks to move beyond generic applicationstoward a more nuanced and contextualized approach.1.2 Statement of the ProblemGrammar is recognized as a tool for meaningful communication and effective language learning (Habibur-rahman, 2025). It enables students to use language correctly while applying it to various situations,which helps them speak clearly and fluently (Harun, 2019). Scholars who support grammar teachingthrough direct application in communicative activities instead of treating it as a separate subject arguethat grammar instruction is required for developing communicative competence. The Ethiopian EFLcontext, which uses English as the medium of instruction for secondary and higher education, dependson grammar to help students understand academic materials and classroom discussions (Heugh et al.,2007; Tesfaye & Davidson, 2008).EFL classrooms continue to focus on teaching grammar through form-based methods, which requirestudents to learn grammar rules and practice drills while achieving correct sentence structures (Sun,2022). Learners are often trained to construct grammatically correct sentences but may struggle to usethem effectively in real-life communications. Students need to demonstrate their ability to use knowl-edge in practical situations because grammatical accuracy cannot serve as the only standard for assess-ment (Aminah, 2023). The examination systems, together with the restricted English practice opportu-nities that exist beyond the classroom walls, create a major obstacle to communication skills develop-ment in Ethiopia (Dereje, 2012; Tadesse, 2014).Theoretical frameworks of CGI show their support for a unified design, which combines form, meaning,and functional use to create communicative skills. The research community continues to debate whichlinguistic ability assessment method needs to emphasize higher fluency or accuracy scores, togetherwith its different methods for teaching grammar (Amirjanli, 2025). Existing problems remain unsolved,causing teachers to face difficulties when making decisions about their teaching methods. The CGI hasbeen successful in improving students’ grammatical skills and their ability to communicate effectively(Sadeghi, 2024; Woymo, 2024). Studies conducted in Ethiopia show a major research gap regardinghow students view CGI and how teachers implement CGI in their teaching methods (Getinet & Alemu,2020). The application of CGI in Ethiopian secondary schools faces practical hurdles stemming fromresource limitations. Barriers such as overcrowded classrooms, lack of instructional materials, exam-EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 47driven curricula, and insufficient teacher training often hinder the adoption of modern communicativeapproaches (Fontana, 2015; Sheng, 2024). Consequently, many educators default to conventional teach-ing methods characterized by teacher-led mechanical drills and error correction, perceiving these asmanageable in high-pressure environments. Despite empirical evidence suggesting that language ac-quisition is enhanced through interactive tasks, role-playing, and games (Belpaeme, 2018; Peckham,2020; Wright, 2016), their consistent application remains restricted by systemic constraints.While earlier local research in Ethiopia has been more interested in how teachers conceptually mix com-municative approaches with form-focused teaching (Abiy, 2011), this study takes a different approachbecause of its particular design and the analytical depth it brings. Instead of staying only with whatteachers say about their own practice, the present work uses a stronger qualitative setup, where directclassroom observation matters, and where triangulated evidence is used to make sense of what is hap-pening. In other words, it looks at the performance of CGI tasks and the specific instructional hurdlesthat show up while lessons are being conducted. By not stopping at theoretical match-ups and insteaddigging into the rough details that shape whether things succeed or fail in the classroom, this studyoffers a more detailed diagnosis of the current state of English language teaching in Ethiopia.1.3 Objectives of the StudyThis study aimed to examine the use of CGI in English classrooms, particularly in Grade 10, at BuleHora University Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools. More specifically, the objectives ofthis study are as follows:1. Examining teachers’ knowledge of communicative grammar teaching methods.2. This study analyzes how communicative grammar teaching is implemented in classroom practice.3. Identify the factors that influence the use of CGI in English teaching.1.4 Research QuestionsThis study was guided by the following research questions:1. Do teachers possess adequate theoretical knowledge of CGI?2. How is communicative grammar teaching implemented in English classrooms?3. What challenges affect the implementation of CGI in classrooms?2 Literature ReviewThe field of ELT has undergone a significant paradigm shift in recent years, moving away from the“grammar-free” ideologies of the early CLT era. Research indicates that English language instructionhas effectively returned to its previous state of structural rigor, as grammar is once again viewed as anessential component of contemporary teaching.The Re-Emergence of Grammar in Communicative ContextsContemporary linguists claim that although the main aim of language learning is communication,linguistic knowledge acts like the indispensable “fishing rod” needed to generate competent speech(Wang, 2010). In current models, grammar is no longer treated as an isolated academic concept butrather as the structural baseline for coherent and clearly understood communication, especially in high-stakes professional and academic settings (Allehyani, 2026). Therefore, this change feels like a kind ofreturn to structural rigor, even if it is framed differently. It acknowledges that being able to handlecomplex social and technical situations is tightly bound to a learner’s control of grammatical systems.EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 48Recent empirical data on linguistic precision further validate the necessity of this structural anchor.Studies have identified a strong and significant positive correlation (r = .846) between grammaticalmastery and oral performance, confirming that high-level speaking skills are fundamentally rooted ingrammatical depth (Zam et al., 2025). Consequently, the “myth” that CLT must exclude formal gram-mar has been exposed by research favoring Form-Focused Instruction (FFI). This method integratesexplicit metalinguistic teaching into communicative tasks, ensuring that learners move beyond “shal-low” fluency toward a more sophisticated and accurate command of the language (Akyel, 2000; Rama& Agulló, 2012). Beyond mere performance, grammar is central to the development of metalinguis-tic awareness, a key component of self-determined learning. Novel research suggests that for learnersto successfully manage their own multilingual development, they must possess a deep and consciousunderstanding of how grammatical rules function across different linguistic systems (MDPI, 2026). Byprioritizing this awareness, contemporary methods empower students to become active architects oftheir discourse. This holistic integration of form and function proves that English language instructionhas returned to its previous state of valuing grammar as an essential and foundational component ofthe current teaching repertoire.Contemporary Pedagogical ShiftsThe modern landscape of ELT has gone through this sophisticated kind of change, moving beyondthat old twofold debate of “grammar versus communication.” It feels like more of an evolution towardintegrated accuracy, where grammatical rigor is not just a step back into antiquated rote memorizationbut a strategic reinforcement of communicative intent. Research indicates that students who engagein explicit grammatical instruction consistently outperform those in purely meaning-based programsacross listening, speaking, and discourse assessments (Spada, 2008). When educators embed structurewithin meaningful contexts, fluency is supported by a linguistic framework instead of being stuck at“shallow” expression.This pedagogical pivot is defined as a fundamental change in the structuring of classroom roles andgoals, compared to historical methods. While conventional grammar instruction focuses on the internalcompetence of rules through isolated drills and passive reception, the contemporary communicativegrammar model prioritizes real-world performance and the application of form during interaction. Inthis modern setting, instruction is characterized by FFI, which is embedded within communicativetasks. This redefines the learner’s role from a passive recipient to an active co-creator equipped withmetalinguistic awareness, allowing them to navigate complex linguistic choices dynamically, ratherthan relying on static and memorized patterns.Ultimately, a consensus has emerged among linguists that grammatical knowledge serves as a “basic el-ement” and a fundamental pillar of the language-learning process. Without this structural scaffolding,learners encounter a “plateau” effect, where they struggle to transfer complex ideas into coherent spo-ken or written forms (Zam et al., 2025). By repositioning grammar as an essential component of currentteaching methods, the field has returned to a state of structural balance, ensuring that communicativeoutput is fluent and accurate.3 MATERIALS AND METHODS3.1 Design of the StudyThe researchers adopted a descriptive research approach because the primary aim of the study was toobserve, describe, and document the existing state of CGI and the learning process in the study areawithout manipulating variables. Descriptive research is particularly suitable for providing an accurateand systematic portrayal of classroom practices, teacher strategies, and learners’ responses within theirnatural settings (Best & Kahn, 2016). This study aimed to represent CGI execution in schools throughclassroom research, excluding experimental designs and correlational research methods that study howdifferent factors interact. The researchers used their approach to collect qualitative and quantitative datathrough three methods: observing classrooms, distributing questionnaires, and conducting interviewsto create a complete understanding of teaching methods and student participation and the challenges ofEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 49CGI implementation, which manual methods cannot assess and statistical methods cannot completelydetermine.3.2 Participants and Sampling TechniquesFive English teachers and 124 Grade 10 students from Bule Hora University Community and BarisoDukale Secondary Schools participated in the study. The research was conducted in these two schools,which are among the four secondary schools in Bule Hora Town. The schools were selected usingpurposive sampling because of their accessibility, as well as considerations of time, cost, and availableresources. This sampling technique enabled the researchers to conduct the study efficiently and feasiblywhile addressing the research objectives. The proximity and manageability of these schools made themsuitable sites for examining the application of CGI in a real-world classroom context.A simple random sampling technique was employed to select the student participants. From a totalof 344 Grade 10 students (40 from Bule Hora University Community Secondary School and 304 fromBariso Dukale Secondary School), a sample of 124 students was drawn from seven sections: one sectionfrom the Bule Hora University Community Secondary School and six sections from Bariso Dukale Sec-ondary School. Regarding teachers, five English language teachers (from both schools) were includedusing comprehensive sampling. This approach ensured that all available English teachers in schoolscontributed to the study.3.3 Data Collection InstrumentsTo ensure the fidelity of the study, a range of data collection instruments, including questionnaires,classroom observations, and interviews, were employed. The use of multiple instruments allows fortriangulation, which enhances the overall validity of the findings by cross-checking data obtained fromdifferent sources (Meydan & Akkas, 2024). Each instrument was carefully designed and aligned withthe research objectives to ensure that it measured what it was intended to.3.3.1 QuestionnaireThe primary instrument employed in this study was a questionnaire that was meticulously designedto align with the research objectives. The instrument comprised both closed- and open-ended ques-tions. The close-ended items utilized a Likert scale format, offering five response options: “Stronglyagree,” “Agree,” “Neutral,” “Disagree,” and “Strongly disagree.” Likert scales are widely recognizedfor their efficacy in measuring attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors, providing quantitative data thatfacilitate statistical analysis (South, 2022). Conversely, the open-ended questions invited participantsto provide more detailed insights into their experiences with grammar learning. Open-ended ques-tions are invaluable in educational research because they elicit rich qualitative data that can uncover adeeper understanding and nuances of student experiences. Responses to these open-ended questionswere systematically reviewed to identify recurring themes or patterns, which were categorized accord-ingly. The frequency of each response was analyzed, and these qualitative findings were comparedwith the quantitative results from the closed-ended questions to offer a comprehensive understandingof students’ perceptions of the classroom. The questionnaire, consisting of 14 items, was administeredto 124 students. Of the 124 students, 120 completed and returned questionnaires.3.3.2 ObservationFor the documentation of the observational phase, the lead researcher conducted eight non-participatoryclassroom observations. These sessions were spread across four Grade 10 sections in two schools; thus,the process provided repeated, steady data through a more systematic way that actually used a struc-tured checklist. centered on classroom behaviors, learner interactions, and particular pedagogical tasks.The main aim was to check and triangulate what was reported by students in the questionnaires so thatthe results would remain reliable and valid (Santos, 2020). Since the researcher was a non-participant,EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 50it was possible to document, in a rather impartial manner, how the teachers delivered lessons and thestudents involved in the learning process, especially when cross-referencing the students’ accounts ofteaching approaches (Cents-Boonstra et al., 2021). Finally, a comparison between the researcher’s ob-servations and the participants’ responses made the results comprehensive.3.3.3 InterviewThe primary source of interview data in this study was teachers, as they are directly responsible forimplementing CGI in the classroom. The interviews focused on teachers’ understanding and applica-tion of CGI, providing insights into their knowledge of the methodology and its practical implemen-tation. Teachers were asked about their grasp of CGI principles, techniques, and benefits, as well ashow they integrated grammar instruction into communicative contexts, including lesson planning andclassroom activities. Additionally, the interviews explored factors influencing their practice, such astraining, resources, curriculum constraints, and perceptions of students learning. Using interviews asa data collection method is particularly important because it allows researchers to capture in-depth nu-anced perspectives that cannot be fully obtained through questionnaires or observations alone (Osborne& Grant-Smith, 2021). Interviews provide rich qualitative data, enabling researchers to understand thereasoning, attitudes, and experiences behind teachers’ instructional choices (Olafson et al., 2014). More-over, teacher interviews facilitate the identification of challenges and contextual factors that affect theimplementation of CGI, supporting data triangulation when combined with observations and ques-tionnaires. Therefore, interviews are an essential method for gaining a comprehensive understandingof how communicative grammar teaching operates in practice.3.4 Fidelity of the InstrumentsThe research instruments achieved validity through their design process, which involved expert eval-uation and pretesting procedures. The research questions served as the foundation for developing thequestionnaire items, for which CGI-related literature provided the necessary information. English lan-guage teaching and educational research experts assessed the instrument to determine its clarity, rele-vance, and appropriateness, which resulted in improving unclear content and removing unnecessaryelements. The pilot test demonstrated that the questionnaire items achieved their purpose by makingthe questions understandable to participants who shared similarities with the target population. Theobservation checklist used CGI indicators, which included learner interaction, communicative activ-ities, and contextualized grammar use, to establish assessment standards that minimized bias whilecreating reliable results. The interview guide achieved validity through its semi-structured questions,which directly measured the research objectives, and the probing techniques, which collected detailedparticipant answers that showed their real-life experiences and thoughts about their experiences (Co-hen et al., 2018; Creswell, 2014).In addition, the researchers established instrument reliability through their use of consistent data col-lection methods, which produced dependable results. The researchers conducted a pilot study to testthe questionnaire’s reliability, which measured internal consistency using Cronbach’s alpha. The re-searchers revised the content of the questionnaire because its items failed to demonstrate a proper con-nection. The researchers used standardized instructions and uniform administration procedures, whichhelped reduce measurement errors and improve the consistency of the test results. The researchers es-tablished instrument reliability through the implementation of a standardized checklist, which theyused to conduct multiple observations that tracked behavioral changes throughout different lessons.The researchers used peer and supervisor observation record reviews to minimize observer bias duringtheir study. The research team used a standardized interview guide with all participants and recordedaudio of their sessions to create accurate transcriptions and interpretations. The research team usedcombined strategies that enhanced both the quantitative and qualitative data reliability according toestablished methodological recommendations (Cohen et al., 2018; Kothari, 2004).EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 513.5 Data Collection ProcedureOnce the study site was chosen (Bule Hora University Community and Bariso Dukale Secondary Schools),pending a letter of support from Bule Hora University’s postgraduate office, the data collection proce-dure involved the following steps: First, informed consent was obtained from participating teachersand students in the selected schools. Subsequently, the participants received a clear explanation ofthe study’s purpose and detailed instructions on how to complete the questionnaires. Next, gram-mar lessons in a few chosen sections from both schools were observed using a prepared observationchecklist. Subsequently, the questionnaires were administered to the students. After the participantscompleted the questionnaires, the researchers collected the completed forms. To further cross-checkthe study, the researchers conducted interviews with teachers. Finally, upon completion of the datacollection phase, they proceeded to examine and interpret the gathered information.3.6 Data Analysis MethodsThe analysis of the collected data integrated quantitative and qualitative approaches to achieve a com-prehensive understanding by combining measurable trends with in-depth insights. On the quantitativeside, descriptive statistical methods were employed to interpret the numerical data obtained primarilyfrom the closed-ended items of the student questionnaires. Frequencies and percentages were used todescribe response distributions, with percentages calculated using the formula: percentage=FN100.To further examine overall response tendencies, mean scores were computed based on a five-point Lik-ert scale using the formula: Mean=(fx)N. These statistical techniques are widely recognized for theireffectiveness in organizing and presenting survey data in educational research (Creswell & Creswell,2018; Field, 2013).Qualitative methods were also applied to explore the descriptive data gathered from open-ended items.This involved a systematic process of reviewing and coding student responses to identify recurringthemes, patterns and meaningful insights related to their grammar learning experiences. Qualitativeanalysis allowed for an interpretation of students’ perspectives, complementing the numerical findingsand enhancing the validity of the study through methodological triangulation (Braun & Clarke, 2006;Denzin, 2012).3.7 Ethical ConsiderationsThis study involved human participants and strictly adhered to ethical principles to protect their rights,dignity, and well-being. Before data collection, the researchers conducted a briefing outlining thestudy’s objectives, procedures, and potential risks and benefits, allowing the participants to ask ques-tions and provide informed consent. To ensure privacy and anonymity, all identifying informationwas removed and replaced with coded labels, and the data were securely stored with access limitedto the researchers. The study was approved by the institutional ethics committee and complied withthe established educational research standards. Throughout the process, the researchers maintainedtransparency, respect, and fairness, and the findings were reported in a way that preserved participantconfidentiality while being shared with the schools to support decision-making and future improve-ments, thereby enhancing the study’s credibility.4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS4.1 Students’ Questionnaire ResultsTo assess the effectiveness with which teachers applied CGI, a questionnaire consisting of 14 items wasadministered to 124 students. Of the distributed questionnaires, 120 out of 124 (97%) were completed,returned, and included in the final analysis, providing reliable results.Table 1 reveals that students stated that their teachers explained grammar to enhance communication,EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 52Table 1: Students’ Feedback about the Practices of Communicative Grammar InstructionStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanMy teacher explains grammar ina way that helps us to communi-cate better.Strongly disagree 21 17.53.28Disagree 24 20Neutral 16 13.3Agree 19 15.8Strongly agree 40 33.3Total 120 100with responses distributed across five categories and summarized by a mean score of 3.28, with 120respondents participating. The largest proportion of students, 33.3% (n=40), “Strongly agree” thattheir teacher’s grammar instruction aids in communication, suggesting a significant level of satisfaction.Meanwhile, 15.8% (n=19) “Agree”, and 13.3% (n=16) remained “Neutral,” indicating a mix of affirma-tion and indifference. However, a notable portion expressed dissatisfaction: 20% (n=24) “Disagree”and 17.5% (n=21) “Strongly disagree,” accounting for a combined 37.5% who did not find the teachingapproach beneficial for communication skills. The mean score of 3.28, slightly above the neutral mid-point of 3.00, indicates a moderate overall agreement but also highlights some division in opinion, witha lean toward positive perceptions and a significant contingent of dissenting views. This suggests thatwhile a plurality of students recognize the communicative value of grammar instruction, a meaningfulportion of students’ responses indicate room for pedagogical improvement.Table 2: Students’ Remarks about the Real-Life Grammar UseStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) Mean...Strongly disagree 16 13.33.49Disagree 14 11.6Neutral 23 19.16Agree 29 24.16Strongly agree 38 31.6Total 120 100Table 2 reflects students’ remarks regarding “My teacher focuses on using grammar in real-life situa-tions,” based on the responses of 120 participants. The majority of students responded positively: 31.6%(n=38) “Strongly agree” and 24.16% (n=29) “Agree,” totaling 55.76% who support the notion that theirteacher emphasizes practical grammar application. “Neutral” responses accounted for 19.16% (n=23),suggesting moderate uncertainty. On the other hand, a smaller portion expressed disagreement, with13.3% (n=16) “Strongly disagree” and 11.6% (n=14) “Disagree,” making up a combined 24.9% who donot perceive a strong real-life focus in grammar teaching. The calculated mean score of approximately3.49 indicates an overall favorable assessment that is clearly above the neutral midpoint of 3.00 on theLikert scale, reinforcing the conclusion that students generally believe their teacher links grammar in-struction to real-life contexts. However, the presence of both neutral and disagreeing responses suggeststhat while the majority is positively inclined, there may be variability in the consistency or perceptionof this teaching method. Hence, the results indicate that most students recognize and appreciate theirteachers’ efforts to make grammar instruction relevant to real-life communication.Table 3: Students’ Statements about Their Teacher’s Ability to Teach Grammar CommunicativelyStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanI believe that my teacher under-stands how to teach grammar forcommunication.Strongly disagree 18 153.45Disagree 20 16.7Neutral 11 9.2Agree 32 26.7Strongly agree 39 32.5Total 120 100Table 3 presents students’ statements, “I believe my teacher understands how to teach grammar forcommunication,” based on the responses of 120 participants. The majority of students expressed apositive view: 32.5% (n=39) “Strongly agree” and 26.7% (n=32) “Agree,” totaling 59.2% who affirmedEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 53their teacher’s competence in this area. This strong endorsement suggests that more than half of thestudents perceived their teachers as effectively facilitating grammar instruction in a communicativecontext. Meanwhile, 9.2% (n=11) responded “Neutral,” reflecting a small portion of students who nei-ther agreed nor disagreed. On the other end, 16.7% (n=20) “Disagree” and 15% (n=18) “Strongly dis-agree,” indicating that nearly a third (31.7%) of the respondents held some level of skepticism about theteacher’s ability to teach grammar for communication. The overall mean score of 3.45, above the neu-tral midpoint of 3.00, suggests a generally favorable view, although the presence of a notable dissentingminority indicates some variability in students’ experiences or expectations. Thus, the data reflect agenerally positive perception of the teacher’s grammar instruction, with a solid majority of studentsrecognizing communicative competence, while a smaller but notable portion remains unconvinced.Table 4: Students’ Remarks about Teachers Balancing Grammar Rules and Communicative UseStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanMy teacher focuses on grammarrules and how to use them inspeech and writing.Strongly disagree 26 21.62.9Disagree 27 22.5Neutral 24 20Agree 19 15.8Strongly agree 24 20Total 120 100Table 4 presents students’ responses to the statement “My teacher not only focuses on grammar rules,but also on how to use them in speech and writing,” based on 120 participants. The data show a dividedset of perceptions, with a slight inclination toward disagreement. Specifically, 22.5% (n=27) “Disagree”and 21.6% (n=26) “Strongly disagree,” together making up 44.1% of respondents who do not believe thattheir teacher integrates grammar instruction into practical communication contexts. Meanwhile, 20%(n=24) were “Neutral,” indicating that a significant portion of students neither confirmed nor deniedthe statement. On the positive side, 15.8% (n=19) “Agree” and 20% (n=24) “Strongly agree,” summingto 35.8% who felt that their teacher does go beyond grammar rules to focus on usage in speech andwriting. The mean score of 2.9 fell below the neutral midpoint of 3.0, suggesting a mild tendency towarddisagreement among the students. This indicates that while some students recognize the efforts to makegrammar instruction communicative, a larger proportion either do not perceive these efforts clearly orfeel that they are insufficient. Therefore, students are somewhat divided, but the data suggest thatmany do not see their teachers emphasizing the practical use of grammar in communication.Table 5: Students’ Statements about Grammar Lessons’ Relevance to Daily Language UseStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanGrammar lessons are connectedto our daily language use.Strongly disagree 6 53.79Disagree 10 8.3Neutral 28 23.3Agree 35 29.2Strongly agree 41 34.2Total 120 100Table 5 presents student responses to “Grammar lessons are connected to our daily language use,” basedon feedback from 120 participants. A clear majority of students expressed a positive view: 34.2% (n=41)“Strongly agree” and 29.2% (n=35) “Agree,” totaling 63.4% who affirmed that lessons were meaningfullytied to everyday communication. Meanwhile, 23.3% (n=28) responded “Neutral,” indicating that nearlya quarter of the students were uncertain or perceived a moderate connection. Only a small minorityexpressed disagreement, with 8.3% (n=10) “Disagree” and 5% (n=6) “Strongly disagreeing,” togetheraccounting for just 13.3% of the responses. The calculated mean score of 3.79 was well above the neutralmidpoint of 3.00 on the Likert scale, indicating a generally favorable perception. This suggests that moststudents recognize their teachers’ efforts to make grammar instruction relevant to real-life language use.The results reflect strong student agreement that grammar teaching is practical and applicable to theireveryday communication, with very limited opposition.Table 6 reflects student responses to the statement “We often do speaking activities that help us prac-tice grammar,” based on feedback from 120 participants. The distribution reveals a somewhat dividedperception among students, although it is slightly positive overall. A combined 44.16% of studentsEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 54Table 6: Students’ Statements about How Often Speaking Activities Support Grammar PracticeStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanWe often engage in speakingactivities that help us practicegrammar.Strongly disagree 23 19.163.08Disagree 27 22.5Neutral 17 14.16Agree 24 20Strongly agree 29 24.16Total 120 100“Agree” (20%) or “Strongly agree” (24.16%) that speaking activities are regularly used to reinforce gram-mar learning, suggesting that nearly half of the students recognize the practical, communicative use ofgrammar in class. Meanwhile, a significant proportion, 41.66%, “Disagree” (22.5%) or “Strongly dis-agree” (19.16%), indicating that many students feel these activities are either insufficient or infrequent.Additionally, 14.16% of students remained “neutral,” possibly reflecting uncertainty or variability intheir classroom experiences. The overall mean score of 3.08 was just above the neutral midpoint of 3.00,indicating a mild tendency toward agreement. This suggests that while many students acknowledgethe use of speaking activities for grammar practice, a notable portion of the class does not fully sharethis view, pointing to inconsistencies in how these activities are applied or perceived.Table 7: Students’ Statements about Group and Pair Work for Grammar InstructionStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanOur teacher uses group or pairwork to teach grammarStrongly disagree 9 7.53.65Disagree 10 8.3Neutral 30 25Agree 36 30Strongly agree 35 29.16Total 120 100Table 7 reflects student responses to “Our teacher uses group or pair work to teach grammar,” with 120respondents. A majority of students agreed to some degree, with 36 students (30%) “Agree,” and 35 stu-dents (29.16%), “Strongly agree,” making up nearly 60% of the total responses. A significant minoritywere “Neutral,” with 30 students (25%) neither agreeing nor disagreeing with the statement. Mean-while, 10 students (8.3%) “Disagree,” and 9 students (7.5%), “Strongly disagree,” together representabout 15.8% of the responses. The mean score of 3.65, which is slightly above the neutral point, sug-gests that students tend to agree that the teacher employs group or pair work in grammar instruction,indicating a generally positive perception of collaborative learning in grammar lessons. This highlightsthe main point that most students recognize and appreciate the use of collaborative methods in gram-mar instruction in the classroom.Table 8: Students’ Evaluations about Grammar Use in Writing and Storytelling ActivitiesStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanWe use grammar for writing orstorytelling exercises.Strongly disagree 25 20.83.01Disagree 23 19.2Neutral 22 18.3Agree 26 21.6Strongly agree 24 20Total 120 100Table 8 shows that 120 respondents evaluated the item “We use grammar in writing or storytellingexercises,” and the responses were evenly distributed across all the categories. A combined 40% ofparticipants “Disagree” or “Strongly disagree” (20.8% and 19.2%, respectively), indicating that a sig-nificant portion of students do not perceive grammar being applied in writing or storytelling tasks.Meanwhile, 41.6% “Agree” or “Strongly agree” (21.6% and 20%), suggesting that a slightly larger, butstill comparable, group recognizes such integration. About 18.3% remained “Neutral.” The mean scoreof 3.01, which is close to the neutral midpoint, implies that there was no strong agreement or disagree-EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 55ment among the participants. This suggests that the integration of grammar into writing or storytellingexercises is inconsistent or unclear and may vary depending on the teacher or lesson context. Hence,the responses reflect a balanced view regarding the use of grammar in writing or storytelling, with amean (3.01) suggesting a neutral stance. This indicates an inconsistency in the practical application ofgrammar in these contexts.Table 9: Students’ Remarks on Activity-Based Grammar InstructionStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanGrammar is taught through ac-tivities, not only through exer-cises and drills.Strongly disagree 19 15.83.48Disagree 16 13.3Neutral 12 10Agree 35 29.2Strongly agree 38 31.6Total 120 100Table 9 reflects the students’ responses to the statement “Grammar is taught through activities, not onlythrough exercises and drills,” with 120 participants. The distribution shows that most students held afavorable view of activity-based grammar instruction. Specifically, 35 students (29.2%) “Agree” and38 students (31.6%) “Strongly agree,” totaling 73 students (60.8%) responded positively to this item.On the other hand, a smaller portion of students expressed disagreement, with 19 students (15.8%)“Strongly disagree” and 16 students (13.3%) “Disagree,” combining to 29.1%. Meanwhile, 12 students(10%) remained “Neutral.” The calculated mean of 3.48, which is above the neutral midpoint on a 5-point Likert scale, indicates that the students generally agree that grammar teaching involves engagingactivities beyond traditional drills and exercises. This suggests that students perceive a more interactiveand varied approach to grammar instruction in their classroom experience.Table 10: Students’ Statements about the Opportunities to Use Learned Grammar in SpeakingStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanI get a chance to speak Englishusing the grammar that I havelearned in class.Strongly disagree 15 12.53.48Disagree 19 15.8Neutral 17 14.2Agree 32 26.6Strongly agree 37 30.8Total 120 100Table 10 illustrates the responses to the statement “I get a chance to speak English using grammar welearned in class,” with 120 participants. The distribution of responses indicates a positive perceptionamong students regarding opportunities for spoken practice using the learned grammar. Specifically,32 students (26.6%) “Agree,” and 37 students (30.8%) “Strongly agree,” totaling 69 students (57.4%)who felt that they were given opportunities to apply grammar in spoken English. Meanwhile, 17 stu-dents (14.2%) responded “Neutral,” possibly indicating uncertainty or inconsistency in their experi-ences. On the opposing end, 15 students (12.5%) “Strongly disagree,” and 19 students (15.8%) “Dis-agree,” amounting to 34 students (28.3%) who do not feel they are provided with such opportunities.The mean score of 3.48, slightly above the neutral midpoint, suggests a modest lean toward agreement.This implies that while most students perceive a classroom environment that supports speaking ac-tivities involving grammar, there is still a considerable minority that does not share this experience,highlighting the need for improvement in making spoken grammar practice consistent across students.Table 11 presents student responses to the statement “There is enough time in class to practice gram-mar in real communication,” based on feedback from 120 participants. The distribution of responsessuggests mixed perceptions among the students. A total of 53 students (44.1%) “Agree” to some extent,with 27 students (22.5%) agreeing and 26 students (21.6%) “Strongly agree,” indicating that nearly halfof the class feels there is sufficient time dedicated to applying grammar in meaningful communica-tion. However, a substantial portion of the students expressed dissatisfaction, with 16 students (13.3%)“Strongly disagree” and 29 students (24.2%) “Disagree,” totaling 45 students (37.5%) who believed thatthere was not enough time for such practice. Additionally, 22 students (18.3%) remained “neutral,” pos-sibly reflecting uncertainty or variability in their classroom experiences. The calculated mean of 3.15,slightly above the neutral midpoint, reveals a mild leaning toward agreement. This suggests that whileEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 56Table 11: Students’ Suggestions about Sufficient Class Time for Communicative Grammar PracticeStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanThere is sufficient time in classto practice grammar in real com-munication.Strongly disagree 16 13.33.15Disagree 29 24.2Neutral 22 18.3Agree 27 22.5Strongly agree 26 21.6Total 120 100some students recognize time being allocated for communicative grammar use, many others either donot perceive it consistently or feel that it is insufficient, highlighting an area where instructional timemanagement might be improved to better support grammar practice in real communication.Table 12: Students’ Remarks about the Class Size and Participation in Grammar ActivitiesStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanThere was an adequate classsize to practice communicativegrammar activities.Strongly disagree 12 103.35Disagree 25 20.8Neutral 26 21.6Agree 23 19.2Strongly agree 34 28.3Total 120 100Table 12 presents student responses to the statement “There is enough class size to practice commu-nicative grammar activities,” with input from 120 students. The distribution of responses revealed agenerally positive, but varied, perception among students. A total of 57 students (47.5%) expressed“Agree,” with 23 students (19.2%) “Agree,” and 34 students (28.3%) “Strongly agree,” indicating thatnearly half of the respondents remarked that sufficient class size is allowed for communicative gram-mar practice. Meanwhile, 26 students (21.6%) selected the “Neutral” option, suggesting that a notableportion of students were unsure about the class size as neither sufficient nor insufficient. On the otherhand, 12 students (10%) “Strongly disagree” and 25 students (20.8%) “Disagree,” making up 37 stu-dents (30.8%) who felt that there was not enough class size. The mean score of 3.35, above the neutralmidpoint, reflects a modest agreement, implying that while students recognize class size being pro-vided for using grammar in communication, the experience may not be consistent for all, pointing toan opportunity for teachers to further enhance or clarify such practices in the classroom.Table 13: Students’ Anxiety about Using Grammar in SpeakingStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanSometimes, I feel shy or afraid touse grammar in speaking.Strongly disagree 10 8.33.83Disagree 9 7.5Neutral 18 15Agree 37 30.8Strongly agree 46 38.3Total 120 100Table 13 represents student responses to the statement “Sometimes I feel shy or afraid to use grammarin speaking,” based on the feedback from 120 participants. The results indicate a clear trend towardagreement, with a combined 83 students (69.1%) either “Agree” (37 students, 30.8%) or “Strongly agree”(46 students, 38.3%), suggesting that a significant majority of students experience some level of anxietyor hesitation when using grammar in spoken English. Meanwhile, 18 students (15%) responded “Neu-tral,” which may reflect varying experiences of the respondents. On the other end of the scale, only 10students (8.3%) “Strongly disagree” and 9 students (7.5%) “Disagree,” totaling 15.8%, do not share thisfeeling of shyness or fear when speaking English. The mean score of 3.83, well above the neutral point,reinforces the conclusion that many students feel self-conscious or anxious about applying grammar inspeaking situations.EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 57Table 14: Students’ Desire for More Activities to Enhance Grammar Use in Speaking and WritingStatement Responses Frequency Percentage (%) MeanI want more activities to help meuse grammar when speaking orwriting.Strongly disagree 6 53.54Disagree 26 21.6Neutral 23 19.2Agree 27 22.5Strongly agree 38 31.6Total 120 100Table 14 presents student responses to the statement “I want more activities to help me use grammarwhen I speak or write,” based on 120 students. The results show a clear inclination toward agree-ment, with 27 students (22.5%) “Agree” and 38 students (31.6%) “Strongly agree.” Together, 65 students(54.1%) expressed a desire for more grammar-integrated activities in speaking and writing, indicatingthat more than half of the class saw value in further practical engagement with grammar. Meanwhile,23 students (19.2%) selected “Neutral,” suggesting some uncertainty or ambivalence toward the currentlevel of grammar-focused activities in their classes. On the other hand, 26 students (21.6%) “Disagree”and only 6 students (5%) “Strongly disagree,” totaling 26.6% who do not feel the need for more suchactivities. The calculated mean of 3.54, which is above the neutral midpoint on a 5-point Likert scale,reflects a general trend of agreement.4.2 Classroom Observations ResultsTable 15: Teachers’ Educational BackgroundTeachers Gender Qualification TEFL Experience Secondary SchoolTeaching ExperienceTeacher 1 Female BA in English 10 5Teacher 2 Male MA in TEFL 18 10Teacher 3 Male MA in TEFL 9 4Teacher 4 Male BA in English 6 2Table 15 shows that among the four teachers observed, there was variation in qualifications and teachingexperience. Three of the teachers were male, and one was female. Two teachers (Teachers 2 and 3) holdMaster’s degrees in TEFL, while the other two (Teachers 1 and 4) have Bachelor’s degrees in English.Teacher 2 stands out as the most experienced, with 18 years of TEFL experience and 10 years of teachingat the secondary level, suggesting a strong theoretical and practical foundation. Teacher 3 also had anacademic background with nine years of TEFL experience and four years at the secondary level. Incontrast, Teacher 4 was the least experienced, with only six years in TEFL and two years in secondaryteaching, which may have affected her ability to implement advanced instructional strategies. Teacher1, the only female, has 10 years of TEFL experience and 5 years in secondary education, indicatingmoderate experience but only undergraduate-level qualifications.4.2.1 First Round Observation ResultsThe analysis of the first round of classroom observation (1st RCO) revealed both strengths and areasneeding improvement in the teacher’s application of CGI. Strong implementation was observed in sev-eral areas of the study. The teacher consistently presented grammar through contextualized activities(4 “Yes”), which aligns with CLT principles that emphasize teaching grammar in meaningful contextsto enhance communicative competence. Group and pair work were regularly encouraged (4 “Yes”),supporting the idea that collaborative activities foster interaction and negotiation of meaning, whichare central to effective language learning. Grammar instruction was also integrated across all languageskills (4 “Yes”), reflecting the holistic approach advocated in CLT, where grammar is taught as part ofcommunicative tasks rather than in isolation. Role-play and simulation activities were used effectively(3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), with research showing that such activities can enhance learners’ engagementEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 58Table 16: Summary of Classroom ObservationsChecklist Items1st RCO 2nd RCO Total FrequencyYes No Yes No Yes NoNo. % No. %The teacher presents grammarthrough contextualized activities 4 - 3 1 7 87.5 1 12.5The teacher organizes role-play andsimulation activities 3 1 4 - 7 87.5 1 12.5The teacher facilitates informationgap tasks 2 2 3 1 5 62.5 3 37.5The teacher encourages group andpair work 4 - 4 - 8 100 - 0The teacher incorporates grammargames - 4 2 2 2 25 6 75The teacher implements task-basedlanguage teaching (TBLT) 2 2 3 1 5 62.5 3 37.5The teacher provides error correctionduring communicative activities 3 1 4 - 7 87.5 1 12.5The teacher assigns personalizedspeaking and writing tasks - 4 2 2 2 25 6 75The teacher uses multimedia re-sources - 4 - 4 - 0 8 100The teacher integrates grammarinstruction into all language skillslessons4 - 3 1 7 87.5 1 12.5and practical use of grammar. Additionally, the teacher provided timely error correction during com-municative tasks (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), supporting the findings that immediate feedback aids in theinternalization of grammatical structures.Despite its strengths, the components of the CGI were inconsistent. Information gap tasks and TBLTwere only partially implemented (2 “Yes” and 2 “No”), indicating a need for more consistent use ofthese techniques to promote meaningful communication and grammatical accuracy in the classroom.Grammar games were not used at all (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), although research indicates that gamesprovide a fun and engaging way to practice grammar. Similarly, personalized speaking and writingtasks were absent (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), even though such tasks have been shown to increase studentmotivation and facilitate the application of grammar in real-life contexts. The teacher also did not usemultimedia resources (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), despite evidence that multimedia can enhance grammarinstruction by providing visual and auditory support for learning. These gaps suggest the need for amore dynamic, learner-centered approach that incorporates interactive and authentic materials to in-crease students’ engagement, motivation, and communicative competence. This analysis situates thefindings within the broader context of current research on communicative grammar instruction, high-lighting both effective practices and areas for improvement.4.2.2 Second Round Observation ResultsThe analysis of the second round of classroom observation (2nd RCO) shows noticeable improvementsin several aspects of CGI compared to the first round. The teacher demonstrated consistent strength inorganizing role-play and simulation activities (4 “Yes”), encouraging group and pair work (4 “Yes”),and providing error correction during communicative tasks (4 “Yes”), highlighting a solid emphasison interaction and fluency development, which are essential components of communicative languageteaching (Hemnani, 2023). There was also progress in implementing TBLT, with three “Yes” and only 1“No”, and a similar improvement in facilitating information gap tasks (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), suggestinga growing effort to integrate meaningful communication and real-life language use in classroom prac-tice. Despite these gains, some areas remain underdeveloped. While grammar games and personalizedEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 59speaking/writing tasks were introduced (2 “Yes” and 2 “No” for both), their limited use indicates thatthese strategies are not yet fully embedded, even though research shows that such activities enhancelearner motivation and promote the practical application of grammar in real contexts (Kizi, 2024). Mul-timedia resources continued to be completely absent (0 “Yes” and 4 “No”), reflecting a persistent gap inproviding multimodal input to support varied learning styles (Peckham, 2020). Additionally, there wasa slight decline in integrating grammar across all language skills (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”) and in presentinggrammar through contextualized activities (3 “Yes” and 1 “No”), indicating an occasional inconsistencyin foundational practices. To further strengthen CGI, teachers should aim to fully incorporate person-alized, interactive, and multimedia-based activities while maintaining consistent contextualized andskills-integrated grammar teaching, which research suggests is crucial for developing both accuracyand communicative competence (Sevy-Biloon, 2018).4.2.3 Observational Data PresentationsThe classroom observation results from Bule Hora University Community and Bariso Dukale Sec-ondary School revealed a generally positive but inconsistent application of CGI in Grade 10 Englishclassrooms. Overall, teachers showed a strong inclination toward using communicative strategies, es-pecially to promote interactive grammar learning. Notably, both observations confirmed that grammarwas consistently presented through contextualized activities (87.5% implementation) and that groupand pair work were fully utilized (100%). These findings indicate that classrooms prioritize meaning-ful interactions, aligning with the core principles of CGI. Role-play, simulation activities, and error cor-rection during communication were frequently observed, with an implementation rate of 87.5%. Thissuggests that teachers actively foster realistic language use and guide learners toward accurate gram-mar application without hindering fluency. Similarly, grammar instruction was well integrated into alllanguage skills lessons (87.5%), showing a commitment to holistic language development rather thanisolated grammar instruction.Despite these strengths, the observation also identified critical gaps that hindered the realization ofCGI principles. The use of information gap tasks and TBLT was moderate, each applied at a rate of62.5%, reflecting the inconsistent application of student-centered communicative tasks. However, theminimal or absent use of grammar games (25%), personalized speaking and writing tasks (25%), andmultimedia resources (0%) is concerning. These components are essential for increasing student en-gagement, enhancing input variety, and fostering personalization, all of which are integral to effectiveCGI. Their absence suggests that while teachers are familiar with and apply CGI strategies, they stillrely on conventional or teacher-centered practices in certain areas.4.3 Teachers’ Interview DataFour English language teachers from Bule Hora University Community School and Bariso Dukale Sec-ondary School were interviewed to address Research Question Two (RQ2), which focuses on the prac-tical implementation of communicative grammar teaching strategies in classrooms. The interviewscomplemented the data collected through the questionnaires and classroom observations, ensuring thereliability, consistency, and accuracy of the findings. By analyzing the teachers’ perspectives, the re-searchers were able to verify the information and gain a deeper understanding of how CGI is appliedin real-world classroom contexts. The interview responses were systematically summarized and ana-lyzed to highlight the patterns, successes, and challenges of the practical application of CGI.The teacher interviews offered rich insights into their understanding of communicative grammar teach-ing. When asked about their approach, all teachers emphasized that grammar should be taught withinmeaningful communication rather than in isolation. They stressed the importance of connecting gram-matical structures to authentic real-life situations, such as conversations, role-plays, debates, and read-ing or writing tasks that mirror everyday communication. They noted that this approach helps studentsdevelop both accuracy and fluency simultaneously. By embedding grammar instruction in practicalcontexts, students can apply structures meaningfully, making learning more engaging, memorable,and relevant to their everyday language use.Regarding professional training, all respondents reported having received instruction in communica-tive approaches to grammar, either during their initial teacher education, TEFL certification programs,EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 60or through professional development and online courses. This training equipped them to design student-centered, interactive lessons that balanced form-focused instruction and communicative practice. Theteachers highlighted that linking grammar to real-life communication builds learners’ confidence andpromotes active language use. It allows students to internalize grammatical structures naturally ratherthan relying solely on rote memorization, fostering a deeper understanding and longer-lasting reten-tion.In describing their classroom practices, teachers explained that they used a combination of inductiveand deductive teaching methods depending on students’ proficiency levels. Grammar is often intro-duced within real-life contexts, followed by guided activities where students notice patterns and prac-tice them through pair work, group tasks, discussions, and role-plays. Speaking and writing exercises,such as class interviews, surveys, and creative storytelling, were consistently used to provide meaning-ful opportunities for applying grammar rules. Teachers observed that students responded positivelyto these communicative strategies, demonstrating increased motivation, engagement, and confidence,while experiencing lower anxiety levels when using the language in context.Despite these successes, teachers acknowledged several challenges in fully implementing CGI. Largeclass sizes, limited instructional time, insufficient resources, and rigid curricular demands have beencited as major constraints. They also mentioned difficulties in balancing accuracy and fluency, sup-porting shy or reluctant learners, and preparing authentic, communicative materials. To address thesechallenges, teachers suggested ongoing professional development, access to multimedia and authenticmaterials, smaller class sizes, flexible lesson schedules, and collaboration with colleagues as potentialsolutions. They emphasized that these supports could enhance student engagement, promote inter-active learning, and allow for more effective integration of communicative grammar instruction in theclassroom.4.4 DiscussionsThe results obtained from the questionnaires, classroom observations, and teacher interviews createdan understanding of how CGI operates in educational institutions. Students who experienced CGI in-struction demonstrated improved fluency, greater variety in their syntactic choices, and an enhancedability to self-correct during interaction. Research shows that communicative methods help learners uselanguage effectively while developing their ability to interact with others (Ellis, 2003; Larsen-Freeman,2003). The research results of Tudini (2018) show that students who learn through CGI acquire grammarskills for real-time communication tasks better than they do through traditional form-focused instruc-tion. The study showed that CGI improves speaking accuracy for immediate communication needs, butits effects on grammar skill retention and formal assessment results require further research (Norris &Ortega, 2000).Teachers demonstrated foundational insight into CGI principles, particularly the importance of teach-ing grammar through authentic communication. This awareness supports students’ ability to acquirelanguage skills in meaningful contexts (Richards & Rodgers, 2001). The findings of this study are con-sistent with Andrian (2023), who reported that both teachers and students perceive CGI as essential forpreparing learners for future academic and real-world demands, including global communication andproblem solving. However, full implementation remains limited because students are not consistentlyprovided with sufficient opportunities to practice grammar in authentic situations. As one teachernoted, “The communicative approach focuses on teaching grammar through meaningful communica-tion,” reinforcing the principle that grammar should not be taught in isolation but rather integratedinto communicative activities (Long, 1991).Although teachers possess theoretical knowledge of CGI, their depth of understanding and classroomapplication vary considerably (Kolovou, 2023). While some teachers demonstrate a grasp of commu-nicative principles, others exhibit only a superficial understanding, which affects the consistency andeffectiveness of the implementation. This variation is supported by Schoen (2018), who emphasized theimportance of sustained professional development in enhancing teachers’ pedagogical practices. Sim-ilarly, studies suggest that without adequate training and support, teachers may struggle to translatetheory into practice, leading to partial or inconsistent implementation of communicative approaches(Butler, 2011; Littlewood, 2007). Thus, strengthening teacher training and professional development isessential to ensure a deeper and more uniform understanding of the CGI methodology among educa-tors.EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 61However, the data from observations showed that teachers used CGI in different ways throughout theirvarious classrooms. The first observation showed that teachers applied contextualized grammar pre-sentation, collaborative learning, and multiple language skill development. These practices follow CLTprinciples, which require teachers to present grammar through authentic contexts so that students canimprove their ability to communicate (Richards & Rodgers, 2001). The evidence supports the idea thatinteractive communicative teaching methods enable students to acquire language skills while practic-ing grammatical structures in real-life situations (Ellis, 2003; Larsen-Freeman, 2003). They show thatteachers apply communicative teaching methods through their efforts to create interaction opportuni-ties and their use of grammar in natural language contexts.Despite these strengths, the application of effective CGI systems requires further development to ad-dress multiple critical components. Teaching methods show insufficient engagement with studentsthrough dynamic instructional methods, which should include grammar games, customized speakingand writing activities, and multimedia materials. Research widely supports the role of interactive tasksand authentic materials in increasing learner engagement, motivation, and communicative competence(Nunan, 2004; Tomlinson, 2011), suggesting that their absence may hinder optimal learning outcomes.The findings of this study align with those of teachers who face multiple challenges when trying toimplement CGI because of large class sizes, limited time for communicative activities, and a lack ofaccess to multimedia resources. Studies have highlighted that these constraints reduce teachers’ abilityto diversify their instructional practices and fully adopt communicative approaches in real classroomcontexts (Butler, 2011; Littlewood, 2007).Teachers who understand the value of CGI face difficulties with its complete application because theirteaching environment includes too many students, their teaching time is restricted, and their teach-ing materials are insufficient. The challenges educators face in their work mirror research findingsthat show that educational institutions face structural challenges that prevent them from implementingCLT in their academic programs (Hu, 2002; Li, 1998). The teachers stated their worries about finding thecorrect balance between accurate language use and smooth speech because they believed that studentswould develop permanent grammar problems through excessive emphasis on spoken communication.The research demonstrates that teaching methods should combine form-focused instruction with prac-tical language use, because this approach creates better learning results (Doughty & Williams, 1998;Long, 1991). The development of language fluency and accuracy requires educators to maintain anappropriate balance between teaching communication skills and providing direct grammar training.Generally, this study proves that while CGI enhances learners’ fluency, syntactic variety, and real-timeself-correction capabilities, its pedagogical potential is hampered by a disconnect between theoreti-cal awareness and classroom execution. Although educators recognize grammar as an essential andcontextualized “fishing rod” for competent speech (Wang, 2010), inconsistent depth of understandingand systemic barriers, such as overcrowded classrooms, limited resources, and restricted instructionaltime, result in only partial implementation. The findings suggest that English language instruction hassuccessfully returned to a model in which grammar is viewed as an indispensable pillar of communi-cation. However, achieving a perfect balance between fluency and accuracy requires sustained profes-sional development and structural support to ensure effective integration of form-focused instructioninto authentic real-world interactions.5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS5.1 ConclusionsThis study set out to evaluate the implementation of communicative grammar instruction at the Grade10 level by examining teachers’ theoretical knowledge, classroom practices, and the challenges affect-ing its use. The research found that teachers who possess the necessary qualifications and demonstrateadequate theoretical knowledge of CGI fail to apply this knowledge in their teaching practice. Teach-ers handle grammar teaching through a system that requires students to adhere to rules while theydemonstrate their understanding of grammar and assess students’ ability to create accurate sentences.Teachers reported using interactive strategies such as pair and group work, but classroom observa-tions and student responses showed that these techniques had limited application during the grammarlessons. Teachers faced two major challenges when attempting to deliver context-based CGI becauseEIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 44-65 62they lacked teaching materials. Students developed strong memorization habits because they had fewchances to practice real language skills, which would help them achieve their language competencegoals.5.2 RecommendationsTo optimize CGI efficacy, educators are encouraged to move away from conventional rote memoriza-tion toward more dynamic and communication-centered approaches, where grammar is treated as afunctional tool rather than a package of rules. The shift involves inductive teaching strategies, whichhelp students uncover grammatical patterns during meaningful interactions instead of just passively re-ceiving explanations. Additionally, learners should have an active role in their own progress by doingpractical task-based classroom activities that narrow the distance between what they know theoreti-cally and what they can actually use in real life. If these pedagogical changes are to last, schools andother institutions need to tackle the logistical obstacles, such as crowded classrooms and insufficientresources, so that there is an environment that can support the successful implementation of CGI.Funding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchConflict of InterestsThe authors declare that there are no conflicts of interestReferencesAbdulrahman, N. C. (2019). Linguistic, communicative, and interactional competences. Journal of Ad-vances in Linguistics, 10(1), 1600–1616.Abdushukurova, U. (2024). The grammar of fluency: Bridging traditional grammar teaching with com-municative language practice. Interdiscipline Innovation and Scientific Research Conference, 2(20),436–443.Abiy, Y. (2011). Effects of teacher mediation on student concept development in amharic literacy. Journalof Language and Culture, 2(3), 45–56.Akyel, A. (2000). Form-focused instruction in communicative language teaching: Implications for gram-mar textbooks. TESL Canada Journal, 18(1), 47. https://doi.org/10.18806/tesl.v18i1.899Allehyani, B. (2026). Students’ awareness of the importance of using proper english grammar in thejob market: A critical examination of perceptions and practices. Frontiers in Education. https://doi.org/10.3389/feduc.2026.1825388Aminah, A. (2023). The role of grammar in meaningful communication. Journal of Language Teaching andResearch, 14(2), 45–56.Amirjanli, M. (2025). Explicit vs. implicit grammar instruction: A review of current debates. LanguageTeaching Review, 19(1), 77–92.Andrian, D. (2023). Grammar instruction in communicative language teaching classrooms: Studentteachers’ perceptions. Future Trends of Science and Education, 78.Azimi, M. (2016). Eflteachers’beliefstowardscurrentmethodsofteachingenglishgrammarinaselectedlanguagecenter [Master’s thesis]. University of Malaya.Belpaeme, T. (2018). Interactive learning and language development. Educational Technology & Society,120–132.Best, J. W., & Kahn, J. V. (2016). Research in education. Pearson.Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology,3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oaButler, Y. G. (2011). The implementation of communicative and task-based language teaching in theasia-pacific region. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 31, 36–57.EIJHSS Jarssa B.A. and Firomsa B.A.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vyxeg974

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ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 11 November, 2025Accepted: 22February,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONGedamu A.F. and Negash G. (2026). EthnicInteractions and Conflicts in Maji AwrajaandSurrounding Areas: Historical Insights fromthe 1980s to the Present. EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences.Volume 5(1), 2026, 66-78.https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 66https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLEEthnic Interactions and Conflicts in Maji Awrajaand SurroundingAreas: Historical Insights from the 1980s to the PresentAmare Fenta Gedamu 1 and Girma Negash 21PhD candidate, Department of History Addis Ababa University2Associate Professor of History, Addis Ababa University∗Corresponding Author’s email: sench2393@gmail.comAbstractThis article investigates the conflicting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja and its surroundingareas from the 1980s to the present, aiming to challenge prevailing assumptions about the causesof ethnic conflict. Utilizing a combination of qualitative methods, including interviews andhistorical document analysis, data was collected from local informants, government reports, andscholarly literature. The analysis focused on identifying key contributing factors to the conflict,revealing that the movement of South Sudanese Toposa people into the interior parts of Majiawraja basically searching for huge fertile and mineral rich (gold) lands, ethnic divisions withinlocal governance, and ineffective governance at multiple levels were more significant thantraditional explanations like resource competition and raiding. The principal findings indicatethat political narratives and misrepresentations have obscured the complex realities of ethnicrelationships in the region. The study concludes that attempts to improve interethnic relationshave been largely unsuccessful, with persistent tensions and conflicts rooted in historicalgrievances and governance failures. It recommends that future conflict resolution effortsprioritize understanding local dynamics and historical contexts while enhancing governancestructures to address the underlying issues effectively. These implications suggest a needfor more nuanced policies that consider the socio-political landscape and historical injusticesimpacting ethnic interactions in Maji awraja.Keywords: conflict interaction; conflict resolution; ethnic division; government fail-ures; historical injustices.1 INTRODUCTIONThe ethnic interactions in Maji awraja (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial administra-tive divisions under the imperial and Derg regimes) its surrounding areas represent acomplex tapestry of historical grievances, cultural dynamics, and socio-political chal-lenges that have significantly shaped the region’s contemporary landscape (Abbink,1993, pp. 675-680).EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 67Despite Ethiopia’s rich ethnic diversity, since the late 1980s the interplay between various groups, par-ticularlytheDizi, Surma, andToposa, hasoftenbeencharacterizedbydeepethnictensionsandfrequentviolent conflicts (Abeje, 2000, p. 5). This article examines the complex ethnic interactions and ongoingconflicts in Maji awraja and its surrounding areas, highlighting significant findings that emerge fromthe historical and socio-political landscape of the region. The study addresses the objectives of uncov-ering the root causes of ethnic conflicts, the geographical dynamics that shape these interactions, andthe implications of governance failures in mitigating tensions. This study seeks to illuminate the un-derlying causes of these conflicts, moving beyond traditional narratives that emphasize cattle raidingand cultural differences.Maji awraja, situated in the southwestern region of Ethiopia, exhibits a rich tapestry of ethnic diversity,primarily inhabited by the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Toposa peoples. This geographical complexity,marked by rugged mountainous terrains and proximity to the South Sudanese border, profoundly in-fluences interethnic relations and conflict dynamics. Utilizing qualitative data collected from local in-formants, historical documents, and government reports, this research challenges prevailing academicassumptions about the root causes of ethnic conflict without ignoring resource competition as a causeof conflict.The findings reveal that traditional explanations of ethnic conflict, such as resource competition andcattle raiding, are insufficient in understanding the root causes of the ongoing tensions. Instead, themovement of the South Sudanese Toposa people, ineffective governance structures, and deep-seatedhistorical grievances have been identified as critical factors exacerbating the conflict. These factors havefostered an environment of mistrust and animosity among the ethnic groups, leading to increased com-petition for dwindling resources. The escalation of conflicts is further characterized by the proliferationof modern weaponry and the breakdown of traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. Consequently,the consequences of these conflicts are severe, resulting in loss of life, forced displacement, and thedestabilization of local governance structures.In general, this article emphasizes the importance of understanding the intricate interplay of historicalgrievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conflicts in Maji awraja. Itunderscores the need for tailored conflict resolution strategies that acknowledge local dynamics andenhance governance structures, ultimately aiming to foster sustainable peace and coexistence amongthe diverse ethnic groups in the region.1.1 Geographical Setting of Maji awrajaand its SocietyThis section provides a historical overview of the settlement patterns and socio-political organizationof the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples in Maji awraja, (“awraja” refers to the sub-provincial admin-istrative divisions under the imperial Ethiopian system) shedding light on the root causes of ongoingconflicts in the area. By examining the transformation of traditional livelihoods, community structures,and interethnic relations, we explore how the historical context has shaped current tensions. Therefore,this brief historical description of the layout of the woredas (an administrative structure below awrajaadministrative structure in Ethiopian Imperial and Derg regimes) and settlement patterns of these peo-ple are meant to understand the root cause of the conflict in the area. The socio-political and economicorganizations of the ethnic groups reveal a rich story of resilience and adaptability within the commu-nity.Before1991, Majiawrajawasoneofthesub-administrativedivisionsundertheformerKaffaKaffaTeklayAdministration and later Kaffa Kiflehager province of Ethiopia (Gebre-Hawariya, 2013, p. 5); (Zewdu& Laqäw, 1991). It is now known as the West Omo Zone in the Southwestern People’s Regional State.The Maji awraja was bordered by Sudan in the West, the River Omo in the South and Southeast, and byKaffa awraja and River Omo to the East (Kebede, 1952). Maji awraja included the land and peoples ofDessenech, Nyangatom, Turkana, Toposa, Murle, Karo, and Mursi. Additionally, the awraja extendedup to the Boma plateau in 1936, while the Dizi, Me’enit, Surma, and Zilmamo are ethnic communitieswho have always been inhabitants of the awraja (Garretson, 1986, pp. 212-216).The Dizi people reside in three woredas: Mehal Maji, Kurit, and Bero. Bero woreda Administration wasbordered by several other woredas and had one sub-woreda Administration called Dami, with Jabba asits capital. The Zilmamo predominantly lived in three villages Moga, Gotita, Nameri, and Bebhseni.The Mehal Maji woreda was divided into two deputy woreda Administrations: Kelt and U’r, while theEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 68Kurit woreda Administration had one deputy Administration called Sisky (Kabada, 1952). The majorityof the Dizi people live in mountainous, rugged land covered with dense natural forests, where theypractice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry (Zerihun, 1993). The Dizi were arranged hierarchi-cally in both their governmental and social spheres, at least since the start of the 18th century (Gebre-Hawariya, 2013). There were over 39 competitive, autonomous Dizi sections, with smaller chiefdomsexisting before Emperor Menelik IIs conquest and continued to exist in the form of balabat territories.Their boundaries were often unclear, with informants attempting to define them by clan names. Sec-tion and clan leaders managed administrative tasks for each chief. The Dizi upper nobility was dividedinto three hierarchies, with Kiyaz as the highest rank, while the upper middle rank was called Key, andBurj, was the title for the lower tier. The middle aristocracies were the Doni and Nianng responsiblefor implementing the upper nobility’s directives within a Dizi chiefdom. The working class, includingpeasants and serfs, formed the largest segment of the population. The lowest level consisted of occu-pational castes, such as hunters, smiths, potters, and tanners, who were often disregarded (Interview:Maji, September, 2023).In the present days the Me’enit people live in three woredas namely: Goldiya, Shasha, and Gore Gesha.The historical Goldiya woreda was in the East of Maji town and bordered by Kaffa awraja administration,Berebere River, and Shasha woreda administration. Shasha woreda had one deputy woreda called Jemudeputy administration. Shasha town served as the capital due to its strategic location. Gesha woredawasnorthofMajitownanddividedintotwosub-woredaAdministrations. ThehighlandMe’enitworedasof Goldiya and Gesha also practice mixed agriculture and animal husbandry in mountainous, ruggedareas with dense natural forests (Kebede, 1952).The Me’enit society was characterized by at least 15 rival chiefs across four main geographical areasof Goldiya, Shasha, Gore Gesha and Decha. the Me’enit were loosely organized social and politicalgroup. This was because the Me’enit political administration did not evolve into formal chiefdoms withestablished hierarchies. Instead, clan groups (du’ut, zuk-te) form the fundamental units of their socialstructure. However, there were some clans who held greater legitimacy and exerted control over others,suggestingthatKomurutwerechiefsofclanswithinspecificchiefdomsorterritorialsubdivisionsratherthan heads of a single clan.Abbink (1986) notes, groups within chiefdom had a form of ”cultural division of labor,” which influ-enced the community’s social and political structure. Certain clan subsets, like the Boshu clan family,were entrusted with religious duties, overseeing rain, land fertility, and the populace. Most of the pop-ulation lives mixed agricultural and lowland Me’enits lived as pastoralists, while specific groups areknown for their specialized skills. Their social structure was flexible and dynamic, with status andpositions frequently changing due to conflict (Abbink, 1991).The Surma people predominantly live in the Tirma-Ted woreda, which shared boundaries with the Cen-tral/Mahal Maji woreda in the East, the Sudan government in the South, and the Galeb woreda in theNorth. To the North, it was adjacent to the Bero woreda. The Tirma-Tid woreda was divided into twodeputies woredas, namely Banbu and Ted (Dubale, 1968; Kebede, 1952). They had formed two majorsections which in turn further divided. The Tirma section of Suri contains four clans, while the Chaisection contains six sub sections. The Suri socio-political system favored communalism, with social di-visions based only on clan and age, rejecting hierarchical organization. The Suri are kinship-oriented,with patrilineal clans playing a key role in marriage and ceremonies (Abbink, 1998). Elders hold polit-ical authority, while the komoru serves as a ceremonial leader, embodying community harmony andspiritual communication. The gulsa is a secular village leader who derives authority from the komoru’sblessing but cannot perform all of the komoru’s duties. The gulsa is responsible for maintaining lawand order in the community.The Suri, as a pastoral society practiced age-grade governance, holding elections every 25 to 30 yearsthroughout the early nineteenth century (Abbink, 1986, pp. 22–41). The Suri age system categorizespeople into four groups: junior elders (rora), senior elders (Bara), children (lusi), and young warriors(tegay). Leadershipisassumedbytherora, orthird-agegrade, whichchangesevery25to30years. Onceinitiated, these individuals become decision-makers. Senior or retired elders, along with the reigningrora elders, hold the most political power. The younger tegay males are expected to respect and honorthe elders, recognizing their role as the backbone of political society (Abbink, 2003, pp. 25-45); (Abbink,1998, pp. 325-27). Women in the Suri society derived their age-grade status from their spouses insteadof undergoing their own initiation.Over the years these three ethnic groups Dizi, Me’enit, and Suri peoples had experienced significantEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 69internal social, political, and economic transformations. There was a gradual rise in the authority oftheir leaders, leading to the emergence of ranking families and increased interethnic conflicts.The Toposa people, pastoralists from Eastern South Sudan who often sought grass in Ethiopia’s moun-tainous regions during the dry season (Abbink, 1993, p. 329). However, since 1968, these Sudanesepeople of the Topossa infiltrated in to the Surma inhabited first Tirma Tid woreda of Ethiopia, and thenin Bero woreda and thus causing conflict with the Dizi and Suri people (Interview: Tum, June, 2023).For all these cultural groups’ livestock herding was the main livelihood strategy. The society primarilyherded livestock such as cattle and goats, with limited cultivation along seasonally flooded riverbanks.Those closer to Lake Turkana relied more on fishing. In the remote past their relations and interac-tions were mainly centered on competing for resources and cattle raiding. Due to internal and externalfactors their interactions had got complicated.In the next section we will see how this was changed over time. These communities maintain amicableties with each other through the exchange of goods and services on the market, marriage, and rituals.These groups sell and buy items on the Tum and Maji market from one another, crosscutting groupboundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting oneanother in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. Similarly, the Suri used toregard the Dizi as ritual makers during dry seasons. Many stories are told about the historically createdmarriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an effort to cultivate good relations between Diziand their neighbors (Ibid). Similarly, the Dizi have maintained their amicable relation with Me’enit(Abbink, 2009). Both groups sell and buy items on the market from one another, crosscutting groupboundaries. Interethnic marriages between the two groups are not uncommon, and comforting oneanother in times of grief and sorrow is also an interethnic phenomenon. The story of one of the Dizichiefs, Mäŝikiyaz, was an important political and social link between the two ethnic groups. Similarstories are told about the historically created marriage bond between the Dizi and the Suri, in an effortto cultivate good relations between Dizi and their neighbors. In the past, there were fewer conflicts,partly because droughts were less frequent. The level of destruction was also minimal, as traditionalweaponswereused. Duetothetraditionalpeace-makingmechanismsandacultureofinterdependenceor reciprocity elders were able to resolve such conflicts through, for instance, intermarriage and Jala(friendship) (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023).Today, the situation has changed significantly. Conflicts are occurring more frequently and with greaterintensity, and the underlying causes and actors involved have become increasingly complex. One ma-jor factor contributing to these conflicts is the growing water shortage. As pastoralists face diminishingaccess to water and grazing land, they are compelled to travel greater distances in search of these essen-tial resources. This struggle not only intensifies competition among different groups but also heightenstensions, leading to conflicts over increasingly scarce resources (Ibid). The above analysis reveals a richtapestry of resilience and adaptability among these communities, while also highlighting the complex-ity of modern conflicts exacerbated by resource scarcity, the introduction of modern weaponry, andthe marginalization of local governance (Fernyhough, 1994, pp. 5-10). The introduction of advancedfirearms has transformed the dynamics of conflict; traditional methods of resolving disputes have beenovershadowed by more lethal confrontations, resulting in higher casualties and significant destruction.Understanding these dynamics is crucial for addressing the evolving nature of interethnic conflicts inthe region. The next section of this article will explore the fundamental causes of the conflicts.2 Methodology2.1 Qualitative Research DesignThis study adopts a qualitative research design to explore the intricate ethnic interactions and conflictsin Maji awraja. By employing this approach, the research aims to achieve a nuanced understanding ofthe social, historical, and cultural dynamics that influence these ethnic relationships.EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 702.2 Data Collection MethodsInterviews: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 23 local informants. This method enabledthe collection of personal narratives and insights regarding ethnic relations and conflicts directly fromthose impacted by these issues. Focus on root factors and Key Contributing Factors The interview andits analysis examine root and critical factors that contribute to ethnic conflicts, transcending traditionalexplanations such as resource competition. Key factors explored include:• The migration of South Sudanese Toposa people.• Ethnic divisions within local governance structures.• Ineffective governance at multiple administrative levels.Historical Document Analysis: The researchers engaged in a thorough analysis of existing historicaldocuments, reports, and scholarly literature. This investigation provides a contextual framework for thestudy, allowing for the identification of historical grievances and shifts in governance over time. Gov-ernment Reports: The study incorporates data from Bench Maji Zone Administrative Office, archivesmainly government reports that discuss issues related to ethnic conflicting interactions, conflict reso-lutions and resource management, and local governance structures. Thematic Analysis; Data collectedfrom interviews and document analysis was systematically analyzed to identify emergent themes andpatterns related to ethnic relationships, conflict dynamics, and governance issues. This thematic anal-ysis highlights the underlying causes of tensions and informs the recommendations presented in thearticle. Contextual Framework: The research emphasizes a contextual understanding, highlighting thehistorical and socio-political landscapes that shape ethnic interactions in Maji awraja. This approachunderscores the importance of local dynamics in formulating effective conflict resolution strategies.3 Result and Discussion3.1 The Root Causes of the Ethnic Conflicts in Maji awrajaIn 1898, the Ethiopian Imperial administration introduced a new administrative system, along withthe slave and ivory trade to Maji awraja (Margery, 1948, p. 330). However, Maji had a worse imperialadministrative structure in the 1920s and 1930s than other regions of the nation because of the insecu-rity and exploitation (Margery, 1948, pp. 333-34). Moreover, Maji’s location along the Ethio-Sudaneseborder made the Ethiopian administration complex. The border divided pastoral populations, posingchallenges to effective administration and the creation of a national identity. This division provided anopportunity for the local society to evade state administration. For example, when tribute or taxes weredemanded from Surma pastoralist society, many of them would flee to Sudan to avoid these demands(Salvadori, 2010, p. 135). The arms, slaves and ivory trading and poaching practices were major sourcesof the insecurity and conflict in the region.On the other hand, the government of imperial Ethiopia since the late 1940s was making efforts to stabi-lize the region and attempting to manage the border in order to control tax evaders and to control ethnicconflict and prevent the infiltration of South Sudanese Toposa people across the border. The effort wasnot strong enough as it was based on occasional mobile military surveillance and expeditions were thecommon strategy of administering the border. Probably due to the worsening security situation in ofthe area in 1947 the imperial government had established three military bases which continued func-tioning until the last years of the Derg regime (Mamo1968) but couldn’t stop the Toposa encroachmentand ethnic conflicts (Seid, 2019, p. 57).One of the reasons why government of Ethiopia failed to deploy permanent army along the border wasas informants narrate it was due to the hot climate and lack of agricultural practice among the Suriand Me’enit people. According to informants thus to fill the lack of northern and Christian state per-sonnel who were unfamiliar to the hot climate of the Tirma Tid woreda, the government relied on Dizichiefs and their relatives who had no problem of living in the hot area were recruited as governmentfunctionaries like police, governor and tax collectors. the Ethiopian government therefore assumedcontrol of border areas and implemented indirect rule through traditional chiefs in the post Italian im-perial administration. After the Italians withdrawal and the pacification process in the early 1940s, theEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 71Ethiopian government took control of the army outposts and promised to improve the administrativeframework. As discussed above it established three military posts having 700 soldiers. In addition thestate indirectly influenced settled farmers to maintain local peace and collect taxes through traditionalchiefs (Seid, 2019, p. 45). Moreover, as sources claimed that the security problem of the awraja wasa principal factor for the extension of miketel wäräda administrations (deputy woreda). Thus for theSurma the Dizi would mean part of the central government which was known for its exploitative andharsh administrative practices. In the long run this had caused suspicion and hostility among the Diziand Suri.As it is well known, the Italian occupation (1935-36) had profound effects on Ethiopian society and pol-itics, leading to a complex aftermath characterized by conflict, resistance, and attempts at national re-building (Zewde, 2000). Maji Awrajja, in 1941-1943, was characterized by tension and chaos (Pankhurst,1996, pp. 35-77). In this period the number of firearms in the hands of the natives had increased in dif-ferentways. FirstlyItalianshadleftalotofgunsbehindwhentheylefttheareaatmanylocationsnation,secondly, the British distributed and equipped local individuals against the restored imperial govern-ment and Ethiopian military while conducting the mopping up operations gave firearms to involvingnative individuals. All of these factors increased the number of firearms among the Dizi, Me’enits andthe Suri. Chiefs and small, local communities benefited most from these weapons. As the result the bal-ance of military power was maintained, so that ethnic conflicts were rare. In fact in the period betweenthe liberation in 1941 to 1991 the conflict of the area was centered more against the state (Interview:Maji, June, 2023). All attempts of the government to disarm the equipped local chiefs and communitymembers had all ended in fiasco, except few successes among the Dizi and Me’enits. The Surma whoare living in extreme areas remained armed all through the time and in the late 1980s they had gotaccess to modern firearms from the Sudanese People Liberation Army (SPLA). When the rise of theEPRDF (Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democracy Front) in May 1991, military bases and police sta-tions were removed from the Maji area, allowing the SPLA to sell arms to the Surma and encouragingand arming the Toposa people with more advanced guns that the Surma, they were capable to displacethe Surma from Tirma Tid woreda. This situation contributed for the shift of military power betweenthe Dizi, Me’enit and Surma, the Surma acquiring Kilashinkov (Seid, 2019, p. 53).Despite promises by the EPRDF government to address the issues, no real attempts were made untilthe late 1990s when the deployment of military forces was agreed upon but not realized. This has leftthe Surma and Dizi elders feeling deeply betrayed. What most contributed in the shift of balance ofmilitary power between the Surma and Dizi was the incomplete disarmament of effort of the EPRDFgovernment, only Dizi were disarmed and the Suri remained armed. (Interview: Maji, September,2023).Due to pressure from the Toposa and famines in 1980 and 1984, the Surma people were forced to leavetheir ancestral land in the Tirma-Tid woreda and settled in the Dizi-inhabited woreda of Bero. At thistime the well-armed Surma were able to displace the Dizi from sixteen kebeles (the lowest adminis-trative unit) and settled in the high land areas of Mehal Maji woreda. The evacuation of the Ethiopianarmy from the border led to the disintegration of the Tirma-Tid woreda administration, facilitating theoccupation of the area by South Sudanese peoples (Interviewe: Tum, September, 2023). Moreover, ac-cording to informants after 1991, the Sudan People’s Liberation Front provided training and modernequipment to the Toposa, leading to their dominance over the Surma. Therefore, the Toposa have ac-cess to better equipment than the local government. The lack of control in the international border areaby the Ethiopian side allowed for invasion by the Toposa backed by the SPLA (Interview: Tum, June,2023).The forceful occupation of pastures by the Toposa in the 1970s and 1980s, along with the support theyreceived from the Sudan People’s Liberation Front led to the displacement of the Surma people fromtheir ancestral lands to areas west of the Kibish River. Since 1991, the Toposa have taken over muchof the fertile pastures in the Tima-Tid areas of the southern and central Surma. They have built huts,started irrigated farms, and even built a school in the Surma woreda, as reported by Surma informants.Even today the Toposa are occupying grazing land in South West Surma and their attacks from Sudanhave resulted in an increased in their numbers, estimated to be between 20,000-30,000 locally. They areregularly seen in Kibish, town the capital of Surma woreda, and its surroundings, deep into Ethiopianterritory, around more than 150 km from the border. (Interview: Maji , September, 2023). The followingnarrative of the informant vividly explains the root cause of the conflict.When the Derg dictatorship was nearing its end in 1990, many Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma people pur-chased weapons that were being sold by the army. After the rise of the EPRDF in 1991, officials aimedEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 72to disarm the populace. As a result, EPRDF officials collected guns from the Dizi and Me’enit commu-nities, effectively disarming them. The Surma people were willing to give up their long-held weaponsbut wanted improved border security first. Surma suggested using local weapons to protect the bordersuntil the military arrived, showing concern for safety and life-saving measures. Emperor Haileselesieand the Derg stationed forces from Mardur to guard borders. The Surma people were willing to giveup their weapons only after the military left and a new border-protection system was in place. TheSurma forcefully expanded their territory, leading to conflict. The Dizi people suffered food shortagesand oppression as a result. The once close relationship between the Dizi and Surma has weakened,resulting in fewer connections between the two groups (Interview: Maji, September, 2023).Surma’s perspective on the root cause of ethnic conflict emphasizes historical grievances and long-standing animosities between the Dizi and Surma ethnic groups. The Surma viewpoint argues thatconflicts are the result of deep-rooted historical injustices, including land disputes and oppression.Cattle raiding had little to do with the conflict. Their main source of contention with the Toposa wastheir shared Ethio-South Sudan boundary and cattle raiding. Cattle raiding and gold mining areas weretheir primary points of concern with the Me’enit and Agnwa, respectively. The following statementfrom a Surma informant illuminates the Surma perspective more clearly.Since ancient times, we Surmas went to Maji and trade in the market. In times of famine, we went to themarket and buy food. We raised some people as friends and our son. We marry Dizi women. My wifeis a Dizi woman. But now the conflict is stupid. It is the individuals who create the conflict, not thepolitics that created the conflict. The hardest conflict started after the 1991 regime change (Interview,Kibish, June, 2023).When I asked my Surma informants about a possible root cause of the conflict with the Dizi beingthe cause of the current conflict, they unequivocally dismissed the territorial notion. According to mysources, the issues between the Surma and Dizi stem from elsewhere.We do not have a border conflict with the Dizi. Our borders and relations concern only with Sudan. AsEthiopians, we recognize boundaries solely with Sudan. However, tensions exist with the Dizi due totheir role as agents of oppression under imperial and authoritarian regimes. As state enforcers, the Dizipersecuted our people. Surma civilians fell victim to a coordinated attack by Dizi local forces partneredwith the central government’s military. In this regard, we always remember the events of atrocitiesthat happened to the Surma people at Nameri, Dishu Gurbali, and Maji town. It is this dark history ofsubjugation and atrocities, not border dispute that lies at the heart of contemporary conflicts betweenthe Surma and Dizi peoples (Interview: Kibish, June, 2023).When I spoke to my Surma informants about the impact of the Toposa invasion on their territories,they confirmed that significant portions of Surma woreda lands, particularly in the southern and centralSurma Mountains around Tirma Ted and Chai, have fallen under Toposa dominance. They indicatedthat the Toposas have taken control of mining operations, and irrigation farms, and have built schoolson land traditionally inhabited by the Surma, causing significant grievance in the area. They werecompelled to evacuate from the woreda but argued that they resettled in their ancestral lands. All theterritories we currently inhabited are the lands we have inherited, as other Surma who faced expulsionrelocated to their forefathers’ domains as well. The only land reportedly taken by from the Dizi areKollu and Dirabi (Ibid). The Surma informants’ account of the preceding circumstances teaches us thatthe Surma and Dizi ethnic groups coexisted in the same area by planning their territorial settlement in amethodically manner. The Dizi people settled in the mountainous and forested areas, while the Surmapeople inhabited the lowlands of Maji and Bero woredas. Therefore, the Surma people lived outside ofthe Surma woreda before 1991.In 1991, the EPRDF government introduced a new form of governance to modernize society and thestate. As the result Ethnic groups in Ethiopia were allowed to establish their own self administrativestructure depending on their territorial and population size. The Maji awraja and its society were rec-ognized as Dizi Me’enit and Surma people’s territory and shared among. However, as discussed abovethe Tirma-Tid woreda, the core Surma country was collapsed and was taken over by the Toposa longyears ago, while most of the Surma people lived in the lowlands of the Maji and Bero woredas, underthe Dizi chiefs. The newly structured/organized Dizi self-administrative woredats had maintained theancient Dizi territories in which the Surma were living. Due to this and the Toposa occupation case theSuri were not granted a self-administration woreda until 1994.In 1994 the Surma self-administrative woreda was established from parts of the Maji and Bero woredasEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 73after 1994 (Interview: Tum, September, 2023). The Dizi were not happy with the government’s attemptto reorganize the Surma self-administrative woreda. The Surma people are dissatisfied with the Diziclaim on areas in the Maji and Bero woredas, where they have lived for a long time. The Dizi are askingfor the Surma to be removed from these areas. The regional and national administration failure torestore Tirma Tid woreda the local administrative divisions and ethnic-based federalism in such fragilesecurity area have disrupted traditional cooperation and relations (Gemeda, 1990), leading to increasedinsecurity and strict exclusion regulations for those who were living together as neighboring ethnicgroups (Ibid).On the other hand, the EPRDF leaders claimed that the woreda-level self-administrative division in for-mer Maji awraja was based on ethnic lines (Tegegne & Kassahun, 2004, pp. 2-25), but as we see it todaythese ethnic groups are exercising self-administration in more than two woreda, therefore they felt iso-lated from their keens’ but former woreda administration from the previous regime, continued exceptthe Surma. These ethnic self-administration policies of the EPRDF have damaged established tradi-tional political institutions’ ability to resolve disputes, and they should be seen as the primary cause ofthe prolonged ethnic conflict in the area (Ibid).Last but not least the disintegration traditional governance and conflict resolution methods moral orderamong the Surma and others should be considered as exacerbating factors. These traditional practiceswere not merely rules; they were lifelines that helped maintain community stability, reminding every-one that in the face of conflict, the ultimate goal was harmony and unity. Through these rituals, theSuri in particular demonstrated their commitment to preserving the social fabric of their community,ensuring that even in difficult times; they could find pathways to understanding and peace. However,since the late 1980s, these traditional systems have significantly declined, undermining their ability tomanage conflicts (interview: Kibish, September, 2023).3.2 Courses and Consequences of the ConflictThis section delves into the courses and consequences of the conflict first by summarizing the rootcauses of ethnic conflicts in Maji awraja, tracing their origins to historical administrative failures, colo-nial legacies, and complex socio-political dynamics among the Dizi, Me’enit, and Surma peoples asdiscussed above. Beginning with the disruptive effects of Ethiopian imperial governance and the Ital-ian occupation, the analysis highlights how the introduction of firearms and the lack of effective bordermanagement exacerbated tensions. The fragmentation of traditional governance structures since 1974at least, the decline of traditional conflict resolution methods, alongside the impact of external pres-sures such as the Toposa’s encroachment as coupled with ethnic-based federalism under the EPRDF,has further destabilized interethnic relations, leading to a resurgence of conflict. Ultimately resourcecompetition, underscores the multifaceted nature of the ongoing strife in the region. As comparedto the Dizi the Surma have increasingly used modern firearms to assert control over these territories,including strategic locations rich in resources like gold.The Majj awraja societies have been heavily armed for a long time and this situation troubled the admin-istrators of the time of the emperor (Salvadori, 2010, p.210). Cross-border firearms trade were foundlucrative and there were a trade- in arms from Addis Ababa to Dima, which is to satisfy the demand forweapons needed by the gold producers to protect themselves from the attacks of Agniwa and Surma.However, it was the Sudan People’s Liberation Front’s involvement in the trade and support for theTopasa in the 1980s that had changed the type and size of arms in the region. On the other hand theToposa’s expansion which was backed by highly sophisticated weapons greatly affected the Surma asthey were forced to evacuate from the Tirma Tid areas and expanded in to the less armed Me’enitShasha, and Dizi in Bero, and Maji woredas of the awraja. This had resulted vicious of conflicts in thearea. According to the Dizi informants, this expansion of the Surma into their territory becomes morepronounced during every summer season since then (Interview: Tum, June, (2023). According to theseinformants, the Surma were expanding by armed forces into regions potentially containing gold mines.The Dizi complained that the Surma herdsmen, with the Surma woreda government’s support, wererelocating and taking control of trampled land, granting the Kebele structure to Surma residents. TheSurma were said to be residing in and managing the ancient Dizi territory, which was fully under theircontrol after 1991.Compounding these territorial disputes are socio-economic dynamics, particularly high dowry de-mands linked to cattle ownership. The Dizi were disproportionately affected due to increased SurmaEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 74cattle raiding. According to the Surma tradition of marriage arrangement a young man to marry a girl,must provide thirty to forty cattle and a Kalashnikov weapon with full ammunition as a dowry. On theother hand, the cost of livestock and weapons had been raised rapidly. So that Surma youths, often ingroups of five to ten, use modern weapons such as the Kalashnikov for cattle raiding to gather wealthfor marriage and worsening the conflict as they not only raid cattle but also kill anyone they encoun-tered. They also set fire to homes and other property. These actions have resulted in significant lossesfor the less armed Dizi in terms of both cattle and human lives due to retaliatory attacks and attempts torecover stolen animals (BMZOA Archive). The conflict escalates with retaliatory attacks from the Diziagainst Surma aggressions, resulting in direct confrontations in highland areas of Maji. Between 1989and 1998, this strife accounted for numerous casualties and the theft of cattle valued at over nine millionbirr (BMZOA Archive). However, the Dizi have sought refuge in highland areas, but even there, theyhave not found peace from attacks. The Surma and Dizi are directly fighting in the hills and highlandsbetween 1989 and 1998 ((BMZOA Archive). The conflict between the Surma and the Dizi escalatedevery year as the Toposa continued pushing the Surma. Also, as the Surma continue to face pressurefrom the Toposa, their expansion incurs further skirmishes, in territories traditionally inhabited by theMe’enit. In due course of time the importance of cattle has grown in the lowland community, leading toconflicts between the Surma and the Dizi, Mienit, and Toposa, often arising from the desire to acquiremore cattle for higher dowries.Theclashesareparticularlypronouncedbetweendifferentethnicgroupsingold-producingareas, wherecompetition for resources intensifies conflicts. The expansion of the Agwak in the Bero and its sur-rounding areas had led to further instability, exacerbating violence and provoking retaliatory actions.The socio-economic fabric of affected communities has been severely disturbed, with widespread vio-lence and atrocities marking the landscape of ethnic conflict. This unrest has resulted in different formsof violence, including targeted attacks and mass killings during communal gatherings, which furtherproliferate cycles of retribution (Interview: Kibish, September, (2023).The zonal government has not stopped the conflicts and displacement of the Dizi and Surma ethnicgroup members. Moreover, the conflict extended to the Me’enit due to the Surma’s incursion into theMe’enit Shasha woreda and prevalent cultural and economic circumstances. The dispute between theSurma and the Me’enit remains unresolved according to Surma informants (Interview: Kibish, Septem-ber, (2023).As the course and consequence of the conflict we can consider the disintegration of Surma society andthe reign of riotous spirit. Since the major displacement of the Surma people from the Tirma and Tidworedas to the Dizi and Me’enit areas things changed rapidly. Three conditions have led to the collapseof the traditional socio-cultural values that support the authority of Surma elders to solve the mutualmurders that spread in the area. These are: the proliferation of automatic weapons and their availabil-ity, the introduction of alcoholic drinks, and the increase in spending money that young Surma haveaccumulated by producing gold (Interview: Kibish, September, 2023). As the result among the Surmaviolence and atrocities had become widespread. The Surma group conflicts were characterized by actsof violence, ranging from riots and targeted attacks and killings were common during the traditionalritual of stick fighting, during which hundreds of youths are regularly collected. During this period,they easily carry out revenge actions due to emotional impulses. In this process, new circumstanceswere created that cause revenge. The main actors of this action were the underage youngsters, whowere highly armed and disobedient to their elders. According to informants, this situation had reachedthe level of genocide, and 10-15 murders were committed every month (Interview: Tum, June, (2023).These acts of violence could result in the displacement of populations, destruction of communities, andloss of life. It seems that the basic reason for the destruction of socio-cultural institutions of power isthat they were forced to migrate from Surma traditional lands in the last generation.3.3 Local and Regional Conflict Resolution InitiativesThis section examines local and regional conflict resolution initiatives aimed at addressing intereth-nic disputes in Maji awraja, focusing on the evolution of customary methods in the face of changingconflict dynamics. The conflict over cattle raiding and disputes over resources were resolved throughcustomary methods, but the nature of conflicts changed in the 1980s. Despite the change in the na-ture of conflict, these days, the ethnic communities continue to practice indigenous reconciliation rites,which have been historically effective in resolving interethnic disputes, including murder and raids.The Dizi conflict resolution custom is known as the ”dofie,” among Me’enit it is referred to as ”asha”,EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. 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EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 75and among the Surma it is called “ligin”. Interestingly all the customs the procedure entails are similar.A public gathering of the disputing parties was followed by a ritual reconciliation ceremony and eldermediation based on an agreement for in-kind or cash restitution. The local chiefs of the affected ethnicgroups held a reconciliation ritual during a period of increased and frequent interethnic hostilities inthe area. The ritual might go on for several days. It includes killing two or more black oxen, washingthe local chiefs in the blood of the killed animals, slicing open the carcass and drying the peritoneum onthe fresh hide, the local chiefs of the respective groups swearing not to make the same mistakes again,washing their hands in the green material found in the dead animal’s digestive tract, and hanging thedried peritoneum strips around the necks of the individuals in dispute (Interview: Tum, Kibish andJammu June to September, (2023).Even while they provided short-term fixes, these traditional methods of reconciliation were no longersuccessful in resolving disputes. Since the 1980s, in particular, their power to regulate interethnic rela-tions has decreased and, even if there have been some recent reconciliation ceremonies; they were briefand prone to being broken. Because of their constant obsession with the idea that guns have super-natural abilities, the Surma are typically the ones who break these kinds of reconciliation agreements(Interview: Tum, June, (2023). Informants stated that local officials and elders led at least one recon-ciliation ritual annually. A large-scale tripartite reconciliation ritual ceremony of the Surma, Me-enit,and Dizi peoples was held at Tum Airplane Field in February 1994. At this time also all of the previ-ously described reconciliation rituals were performed. However, informants stressed that the Surmahad breached the terms and said to have had raided the Dizi barely eighteen days after the peace cer-emony. All, however, remained unsuccessful. (Interview, Tum, and June 2023). The Suri informantshave agreed on the facts of the reconciliation conferences but consistently argue that the Dizi took theresponsibility of the breaching of reconciliations made (Interviewee: Kibish, September, (2023),Similarly regional, zonal and civil society organizations that operate on the subject of peace and secu-rity have made multiple attempts at reconciliation. The highest level reconciliation meetings were ledduring the reign of Ato. Abate Kisho, Ato. Hailemariam Dessalegn, Ato. Shiferaw Shigute, who ad-ministered the South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) from 1994 to 2018 at variouspoints in time. Similarly all contemporary Presidents of the Bench Maji zone also involved in reconcili-ation efforts including Mr. Wondimu Gebre, the last president of the dual zone Bench-Maji zone beforeits split in to two zones, Bench Sheko and West Omo zones). The two civil society organizations, MercyCorps and Pact Ethiopia were known for implementing projects on peace and security problems in theZone since the late 1990s. These three agencies were working together mainly on facilitating consulta-tive meetings, arranging and sponsoring reconciliation ceremonies and community dialogue on peacebuilding and rehabilitation works (interviewee: Mizan, May, (2023). All parties ignored the root causesof the conflict and considered the traditional cattle raiding and resource competition as the cause (In-terview: Maji, September, 2023). As discussed above the root cause of the conflict was and is the lackof security at the Ethio-South Sudanese border, and the responsibility of managing and solving thissituation through the traditional conflict resolution method is beyond the capacity of the local chiefsand regional government of the former SNNPRS and the zonal and woreda administrations.TheSurmaandDizicommunitiesstronglybelievethattheFederalDefenseForcesshouldforciblyreturnthe Toposa there to Sudan. The Toposa in Surma woreda are large in number and have been in the areafor a long time (more than 30 years in some southern parts of the woreda) (Interview: Tum, September,(2023). This has proven to be the most difficult aspect of the process. In connection with this, thereis widespread resentment in the area due to lack of government intervention in the area. Maji wasa place where the central government has been relatively strong and active since the late twentiethcentury. There are also instances of nostalgic comparisons to the past (Ibid). Other strategies usedby the government to solve the problem include: police protection and the local army. Since the lastyears of the 1990s there have been attempts to strengthen the police force in Surma woreda and otherpastoralist areas by training more pastoralist officers (BMZAO archives). However, police stations wereestablished in all woredas, but limited to cities (Interview: Kibish and Tum, June, (2023). As discussedabove, the disarmament activities that were started in the early 1990s were ineffective and the outcomecreated a military imbalance between the Surma who were least affected as they were not disarmed theDizi who were highly affected as they were disarmed.Promoting socio-economic development in all the woredas of Maji proper was widely accepted as a so-lution to the problem as the governments and local NGOs believed. According to the governments andlocal NGOs the root cause of the conflict was underdevelopment. (Bench Maji Zone Administrationoffice/BMZAO/ Archive). Based on the belief that development projects were implemented and somesuccess has been achieved in the construction of government office buildings, police stations, educa-EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 76tional programs, and road works in Kibish, Tum, and Jabba towns (Archive BMZAO Bench-Maji ZoneDepartment of Peace and security, 2014 annual report p. 24). It was accepted by informants also thatin some areas, especially in the Bero woreda where social services project were in good condition, therelationship between Dizi and Surma (Bali) was more peaceful than others (Interviewee: Tum, June,(2023). According to informants however, these social services have been seriously damaged due tothe ongoing conflicts and the lack of sufficient resources to rehabilitate hampered their effectiveness,especially transportation to move around the woredas.Despite the above peace building the attempts, many voices of complaint have been heard among theDizi. In other words, all the attempts were unsatisfactory for them. For the Dizi elites the cause of con-flict in the area’ results from the administrators’ discriminatory practices is due to discrimination by theadministrators against the Dizi as what had been considered Dizi areas were given to the Surma self-administration wareda. Thus all the solutions should emanate from building faith among the Dizi andSurma, the Dizi demanded that the Surma people can live in the territory as any Ethiopian citizens butthe territory must reintegrated to the Dizi woreda administration and restoring the Tirma Tid woreda ad-ministrationfortheSurmapeople. AccordingtotheDiziviewnoothersolutionscanconvincethemandthus they thought that they were being isolated and unprotected (Interview: Tum, September, (2023).On the other hand, one can say that the labeling of Surma as offenders while the Dizi understandingthe root cause of the conflict should not force them to think that they were the only helpless.4 ConclusionThe analysis presented in this article elucidates the complex interplay of historical grievances, ineffec-tive governance, and material drivers such as cattle, gold, and marriage dowries in shaping the ethnicconflicts within Maji awraja. Specific violent incidents, including armed raids and brutal confronta-tions, underscore the urgent need to address these prevailing tensions. This article recognizes that thecompetition for cattle—long viewed not only as a vital economic resource but also as a marker of socialstatus—has intensified conflicts among the Dizi, Surma, and Toposa groups. As dowries continue torise, with young men required to provide substantial herds coupled with weapons, the cycle of vio-lence is perpetuated. The fragility of peace is further threatened by the allure of gold mining, whichhas attractedboth local and external actors, exacerbating territorialdisputes and armed encounters overresource control.Historically, these conflicts are rooted in the legacies of poor governance and inadequate administra-tive frameworks that have failed to regulate inter-ethnic relations effectively. The political narrativesshaped by historical injustices have fostered mistrust, complicating local dynamics. In this context, thelack of functional governance structures has allowed armed groups to flourish, further destabilizing theregion. Ultimately, the findings suggest that addressing these interwoven factors historical grievances,economic drivers, and governance failures holds the key to fostering sustainable peace in Maji awraja.Without acknowledging the material realities and historical contexts underpinning these conflicts, anyattempts at reconciliation or conflict resolution are unlikely to achieve lasting results. The path for-ward must prioritize not only immediate security measures but also equitable access to resources andrecognition of the socio-cultural fabric that binds these diverse communities. This article offers an orig-inal contribution to the understanding of ethnic interactions in Maji awraja by challenging conventionalnarratives surrounding the roots of conflict. Through a comprehensive analysis of historical and socio-political contexts, it underscores the significance of factors such as the movement of the South SudaneseToposa, local governance divisions, and broader governance issues in shaping ethnic relations. By shift-ing the focus away from traditional explanations like cattle raiding, this research provides a nuancedperspective that is essential for both academia and policy-making.The implications of these findings are substantial. Policymakers must recognize the intricate interplayof historical grievances and contemporary governance failures when addressing ethnic conflicts in theregion. Strategies aimed at conflict resolution should prioritize enhancing local governance structures,fostering interethnic dialogue, and addressing the socio-economic disparities that exacerbate tensions.Furthermore, acknowledging the historical context of grievances may help create more effective recon-ciliation processes that consider the complex realities of the affected communities.However, this study is not without limitations. The reliance on qualitative data, while providing depth,may introduce biases based on the perspectives of individual informants. Additionally, the historicalEIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 77focus may overlook recent developments and their impact on current dynamics and unable to incor-porate the Toposa perspectives. Future research could benefit from a mixed-methods approach thatincorporates quantitative data to complement qualitative insights, enabling a more comprehensive un-derstanding of the evolvingsituation. Further fruitful lines of research could explore the role of externalactors in the conflicts, such as regional governments or international organizations, and their influenceon local dynamics. Additionally, examining the effects of socioeconomic development initiatives on in-terethnic relations could provide valuable insights into effective peace-building strategies. Ultimately,this article lays the groundwork for further inquiry into the complexities of ethnic interactions in Majiawraja, emphasizing the need for continued research to inform policies that promote sustainable peaceand coexistence.Conflict of InterestsThe authors declare that there are no conflicts of interestFunding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchReferencesAbbink, J. (1986). The me’en as historical transformation of the ’surma’: Preliminary notes on societyand culture. Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, 1(Section II:East Africa).Abbink, J. (1991). The deconstructions of tribe: Ethnicity and politics in southwestern ethiopia. Journalof Ethiopian Studies, 24, 1–21.Abbink, J. (1993). Ethnic conflict in the tribal zone: The dizi and surma in southern ethiopia. Journal ofModern African Studies, 31(4), 675–680.Abbink, J. (1998). Violence and political discourse among the chai suri. In G. J. Dimmendaal & M. Last(Eds.), Surmic languages and cultures (pp. 325–327). Köppe.Abbink, J. (2003). Local leadership and state governance in southern ethiopia: From charisma to bureau-cracy. In O. Vaughan (Ed.), Tradition and politics: Indigenous political structures in africa (pp. 25–45). Sefer Books.Abbink, J. (2009). Conflict and social change on the south-west ethiopian frontier: An analysis of surisociety. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 3(1), 22–41.Abeje, B. (2000). The dizi and their neighbors: A socio-economic study [MA thesis]. Addis Ababa University,Department of Sociology and Social Administration.Dubale, M. (1968). Maji: Its past, present and future [Majī tinaniti zarē ena nege] [Survey study report inAmharic typescript by Maji Awraja Revolutionary Administrative and Development Commit-tee].Fernyhough, T. (1994). Slavery and slave trade in southern ethiopia: A historical overview, ca. 1800-1935.Papers of the Twelfth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies.Garretson, P. P. (1986). Vicious cycles: Ivory, slaves and arms on the new maji frontier. In D. Donham &W. James (Eds.), The southern marches of imperial ethiopia: Essays in history and social anthropology(pp. 212–216). Cambridge University Press.Gebre-Hawariya, A. (2013). A history of the dizi people of southwest ethiopia, c. 1898-1991 [MA thesis]. BahirDar University.Gemeda, G. (1990). Subsistence, slavery and violence in the lower omo valley, ca. 1898-1940s. NortheastAfrican Studies, 12(1), 5–19.Kabada, T. (1952). Yemaji-goldiya wubét / the beauty of maji-goldiya. Birhanena Selam Haile Selassie I Print-ing.Kebede, T. (1952). Yemaji-goldiya wubét [The beauty of maji-goldiya]. Birhanena Selam Haile Selassie IPrinting.Margery, P. (1948). The government of ethiopia. Oxford University Press.EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 66-78 78Pankhurst, R. (1996). Post-world war ii ethiopia: British military policy and action for the dismantlingand acquisition of italian factories and other assets, 1941-2. Journal of Ethiopian Studies, 29(1),35–77.Salvadori, C. (2010). Slaves and ivory continued. Ŝama Books.Seid, N. (2019). A history of ethnic interactions between surma and the neighboring peoples, southern ethiopia:Ca. 1898-1991 [MA thesis]. Jimma University.Tegegne & Kassahun. (2004). The role of decentralized governance in building local institutions, diffus-ing ethnic conflicts, and alleviating poverty in ethiopia. Regional Development Dialogue, 25(1).Zerihun, A. (1993). The history of maji town to 1974.Zewde, B. (2000). A history of modern ethiopia 1855-1991. Addis Ababa Press.Zewdu, T., & Laqäw, S. (1991). Yä käfa astädadär akäbabi behéräsäboch yä bahel ṭenat [A study of the Cultureof the Nationalities of the Käfa administrative region].Archival SourcesBénč Maji Zone Administration Office (BMZAO)• Folder No. 249, File No. ��.6.• Folder No. 243, File No. ��.14.• Folder No. 347, File No. ��.44EIJHSS Gedamu A.F and Negash G. (2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/nthz7p55

ARTICLE INFOARTICLE HISTORYSubmitted: 21 July, 2025Accepted: 18February,2026PublishedOnline: 25June,2026CITATIONBasha T.(2026). Correlation between SignLanguage Fluency and Amharic LiteracySkills in Deaf Ethiopian Students: AComparative Study. EthioInquiryJournalofHumanitiesandSocialSciences. Volume5(1), 2026, 79-103.https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141OPEN ACCESSThis work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense (CC BY 4.0).ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities andSocial Sciences has been accredited byFDRE Ministry of Education and indexed onAJOL.EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 79https://journals.hu.edu.et/hu-journals/index.php/erjssh, ISSN: Print 2790-539X, Online 2790-5403FULL LENGTH ORIGINAL ARTICLECorrelation between Sign Language Fluency and AmharicLiteracy Skills in Deaf Ethiopian Students: A Comparative StudyTesfaye Basha1∗�1Department of Special Needs and Inclusive Education, Hawassa University, Ethiopia∗Corresponding Author’s email: tesfayeask@yahoo.comAbstractThis study examines the correlation between Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) fluency andAmharic literacy skills among deaf students in Ethiopia, addressing critical gaps in the under-standing of linguistic interdependence in a multilingual context. Despite the constitutionalrecognition of EthSL in 2008, deaf students face persistent literacy disparities, with only 23%meeting national standards. Employing a mixed-methods comparative design, the study assessed76 deaf students (80.3% with profound hearing loss) from four schools. EthSL proficiencywas evaluated by native signers (inter-rater reliability: r = .94–.95), and Amharic literacy wasmeasured using standardized reading comprehension tests. Results revealed a strong positivecorrelation between EthSL proficiency and Amharic reading comprehension (r = .87, p < .001),with high-proficiency students scoring 90.42% compared to 34.50% among low-proficiencypeers (d = 5.92). High-proficiency students significantly outperformed their low-proficiencypeers across PSLCE subjects (d = 0.56–0.69), with EthSL proficiency uniquely explaining 37%of the variance in academic achievement. Special schools demonstrated higher proportions ofhigh-proficiency students (61.1%) than inclusive settings (36.0%) and significant vocabularyadvantages (d = 0.51), but no comprehension differences were found. Age of EthSL acquisitionsignificantly predicted all literacy outcomes after controlling for current age and school type(β = -.25 to -.31, p < .05), with earlier exposure conferring lasting advantages. Qualitativedata revealed systemic barriers, including limited teacher training and delayed language access.These findings support the linguistic interdependence and critical period hypotheses, demon-strating that EthSL proficiency is a foundational prerequisite for Amharic literacy acquisition.The results mandate policy reforms prioritizing early hearing screening, family centered EthSLintervention, mandatory teacher proficiency standards, and equitable resource allocation toensure deaf learners access language-rich environments during critical developmental windows.Keywords: Ethiopian Sign Language; Amharic literacy; deaf education; linguistic in-terdependence; bilingualism; early intervention; inclusive education.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 801 INTRODUCTION1.1 BackgroundResearch underscores the critical role of sign language fluency in facilitating written language liter-acy among deaf learners (W. Hall, 2022). The linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cummins, 2021)posits that proficiency in the first language (L1, e.g., Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL)) strengthens lit-eracy in the second language (L2, e.g., Amharic). However, in Ethiopia, where over 1.2 million deafindividuals reside (World Health Organization, 2023) and Amharic literacy is a key determinant of ed-ucational access, this relationship remains unclear. Although Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) gainedofficial recognition and media of instruction and owned Sign Language Dictionary in 2008 (EthiopianNational Association of the Deaf (ENAD), 2008), its integration into literacy instruction has lagged be-hind, particularly in inclusive classrooms that favor spoken Amharic (Tirussew et al., 2022).Communication deprivation has several long-term effects. Deaf children without sign language showcognitive delays comparable to institutionalized hearing children (W. Hall, 2022), whereas early EthSLexposure correlates with higher tertiary enrollment rates (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia, 2024). Thisaligns with Cummins (2023) revised linguistic interdependence theory, which emphasizes that literacytransfers between languages only when L1 (e.g., EthSL) is fully developed in the learner. However,Ethiopia’s education policy still treats EthSL as a ”crutch” rather than a right (Haualand & Allen, 2023),violating the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD’s) man-date for inclusive language access (United Nations, 2022).The acquisition of reading skills is a critical component of academic success; however, Deaf/Hard ofHearing (D/HH) students often face significant challenges in developing literacy, particularly in mul-tilingual contexts, such as Ethiopia. While Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) serves as the primarymode of communication for many deaf individuals, its role in facilitating Amharic literacy, Ethiopia’sdominant written language, remains unstudied. Research in other Global South contexts suggests thatstrong sign-language proficiency correlates with improved reading outcomes (Knoors & Marschark,2012; Tang et al., 2023), but the extent to which this applies to EthSL and Amharic remains unclear.Additionally, the type of schooling (special schools for the deaf vs. mainstream inclusive classrooms)may significantly influence language and literacy development (Y. Alemu et al., 2022; Hermans et al.,2014).Recent work in sub-Saharan Africa highlights disparities in deaf education, where policy implemen-tation lags behind linguistic research (Jeftha & Smouse, 2024). In Ethiopia, despite the constitutionalrecognition of sign language, educational practices vary widely, with inconsistent teacher training andresource allocation (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, 2019; Yibeltal & Habte, 2023).Ethiopia’s current system produces deaf graduates with median 3rd-grade literacy levels (Ministry ofEducation, Ethiopia, 2023). As the International Disability Alliance (IDA) warns, “Every year of delayedreform permanently disadvantages a generation of deaf learners” (International Disability Alliance,2023, p. 12).This pedagogical crisis creates what Henner and Robinson (2021) term “linguistic malnutrition” wheredelayed language input permanently alters cognitive development (Henner & Robinson, 2021). Lin-guistic malnutrition refers to a detrimental state caused by an insufficient or poor-quality linguisticenvironment. This lack of linguistic input affects the academic achievement of deaf students.1.2 Statement of the ProblemDespite the recognition of Ethiopian Sign Language media of instruction and owned its own Sign Lan-guage dictionary (EthSL) in 2008 (Ethiopian National Association of the Deaf (ENAD), 2008), deaf stu-dents in Ethiopia continue to face severe disparities in Amharic literacy acquisition, which limits theireducational and socioeconomic opportunities. Recent studies reveal that only 23% of deaf learners meetthe minimum Amharic literacy standards in national assessments, compared to 65% of their hearingpeers (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia, 2023), highlighting a critical inequity in educational outcomes.This gap persists due to multiple systemic barriers: over two-thirds of deaf children lack access to EthSLEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 81before age six (Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf (ENAD), 2023), depriving them of the foun-dational language skills necessary for developing literacy. Compounding this issue, inclusive schools,which enroll approximately 40% of deaf students, often prioritize oral Amharic instruction without ad-equate sign language support, leaving students without meaningful access to the curriculum (A. Alemu& Mulat, 2024). Meanwhile, EthSL-based special schools struggle with insufficient resources and un-trained teachers, with only 12% of educators in inclusive settings being proficient in EthSL (Tilahunet al., 2023). While global research demonstrates the vital role of sign language fluency in written-language acquisition (M. Hall et al., 2020; Henner et al., 2022), Ethiopia lacks empirical evidence onhow EthSL proficiency correlates with Amharic literacy, a knowledge gap that hinders the develop-ment of effective bilingual programs. Without urgent investigation into this relationship, policymakerscannot design targeted interventions to address the alarmingly low literacy rates that perpetuate cy-cles of exclusion for deaf Ethiopians. This study directly addresses this gap by examining the interplaybetween EthSL fluency, instructional models, and Amharic literacy outcomes.Therefore, this study sought to investigate the correlation between sign language fluency and Amharicliteracy skills among deaf Ethiopian students. This study aims to provide empirical evidence to supportthe integration of sign language as a foundational component of deaf education, thereby improvingliteracy outcomes and academic inclusion in deaf education. This study seeks to address these gaps byinvestigating the following questions:1. What is the correlation between Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) fluency and Amharic readingcomprehension skills in deaf students?2. Do students with high EthSL proficiency perform better on the Primary School Leaving CertificateExamination (PSLCE) than their peers with low proficiency?3. How do Amharic literacy skills differ between deaf students in EthSL-based special schools andinclusive mainstream settings?4. Does early EthSL acquisition (before age five) predict stronger Amharic literacy outcomes thanlater EthSL exposure?2 Theoretical FrameworkThe theoretical framework of this study integrates three key perspectives to explain the relationship be-tween sign language fluency and written literacy development in deaf learners. At its core, Cummins(1979, 2000) Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis posits that strong first-language (L1) proficiencyenables the cross-linguistic transfer of literacy skills, a principle empirically validated in deaf educationresearch. For Ethiopian deaf students, this suggests that fluency in Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL)supports Amharic literacy by fostering metalinguistic awareness and cognitive strategies, directly in-forming the study’s investigation of the correlations between EthSL proficiency and reading outcomes(Research Questions 1 and 2). This hypothesis is further supported by evidence from similar GlobalSouth contexts, where sign language competence predicts better academic achievement.Vygotsky (1978) Sociocultural Theory complements this by emphasizing the role of accessible languageinput and educational environments in cognitive and literacy development. Recent studies in low-resource settings have demonstrated that deaf students in sign language-based programs outperformthose in oral/inclusive settings, aligning with Vygotsky (1978) concept of the ”zone of proximal de-velopment.” This theoretical lens underpins Research Question 3’s comparison of EthSL-based specialschools versus inclusive classrooms, highlighting how rich, comprehensible input in EthSL scaffoldswritten Amharic acquisition by children. This theory underscores the importance of sociocultural andinstructional factors in mediating literacy outcomes.Finally, Mayberry (2010) Critical Period Hypothesis for Sign Language Acquisition adds a developmen-tal dimension, showing that early exposure to sign language leads to stronger academic outcomes inadulthood. This is particularly relevant to Research Question 4, as delayed access to EthSL may correlatewith persistent literacy challenges, as seen in similar African contexts. Together, these theories providea multifaceted framework that acknowledges the interplay of individual competence (Cummins, 1979),educational context (Vygotsky, 1978), and developmental timing (Mayberry, 2010) in shaping literacyamong deaf learners. By testing these propositions in Ethiopia’s unique linguistic landscape, this studyEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 82aims to refine theoretical models and inform practical improvements in deaf education policy and ped-agogy in Ethiopia.Figure 1: Theoretical Pathways Linking EtSL Proficiency to Amharic Literacy SkillCentral Pathway: EthSL fluency (developed through early exposure) directly enhances Amharic liter-acy via linguistic interdependence (Cummins, 1979).1. Sign Language Fluency (EthSL): The central, primary independent variable. This is the students’proficiency in their first language (L1).2. Early EthSL Exposure: A foundational predictor variable. This refers to the age at which a childis first exposed to a fluent sign language environment. The timing of the first EthSL acquisitionimpacts both sign language proficiency and later literacy outcomes (Mayberry, 2010).3. Linguistic Interdependence: The core mediating mechanism or theory. This is the process orbridge through which EthSL skills transfer to and support the development of Amharic literacy.It is not directly measured but is a hypothesized psychological/linguistic process.4. Amharic Literacy: The ultimate dependent variable or outcome.5. Instructional Context: A moderating variable. This represents the educational setting (e.g., specialschool for the deaf vs. inclusive mainstream school), which can change the strength or nature ofthe relationships in the model. This relationship is determined by how much EthSL is used inteaching (Vygotsky, 1978).3 Methods and Materials3.1 Research DesignThis study employed a rigorous stratified comparative sampling of 76 deaf students across specialand inclusive schools in Ethiopia, ensuring robust conditions for detecting true effects. EthSL profi-ciency was measured using culturally adapted performance-based assessments modeled on validatedresearch (Kiyaga & Moores, 2023), which enhanced construct validity. The combination of official Pri-mary School Leaving Certificate (PSLCE) scores with controlled Amharic literacy tests addresses thelimitations of relying solely on national exam data, while the inclusion of early language exposure asa key variable builds on critical period research (Swanepoel & Storbeck, 2024). Multivariate regressionanalyses further strengthened the study by isolating EthSL’s unique contribution to literacy outcomeswhile controlling for socio-economic factors.The findings provide policy-ready evidence, with ANCOVA results directly comparing school types toinform Ethiopia’s inclusive education strategy. Classroom observations and teacher interviews revealedimplementation barriers, reinforcing the need for targeted teacher training reforms, as highlighted inprevious studies (Tilahun et al., 2023). Additionally, effect size calculations quantify the literacy disad-vantages caused by delayed EthSL access, offering compelling advocacy tools to address social justicegaps in education, a concern well-documented by Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf data(Ethiopian National Association for the Deaf (ENAD), 2023).EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 83The study’s mixed-methods approach ensures that the findings are both statistically significant and nar-ratively persuasive, making a strong case for policy changes. By demonstrating clear correlations be-tween EthSL mastery and literacy gains, this study provides Ethiopian policymakers with concrete ev-idence to prioritize sign language-inclusive education. The analysis of early exposure further strength-ens the argument for investing in early childhood EthSL programs, with the potential to transformliteracy outcomes for future generations of deaf students in Ethiopia and similar settings.3.2 Sample Size and Sampling ProcedureThis study employed a carefully designed sampling strategy to ensure robust comparisons between keygroups while maintaining practical feasibility within the Ethiopian educational context. The researchinvolved 76 deaf students in Grade 8, who were strategically sampled to address the study’s comparativeobjectives. The sample included 44 students from special schools (utilizing EthSL-based instruction)and 32 from inclusive schools (with Amharic-dominant instruction), reflecting the current distributionof deaf learners across these settings in Ethiopia (Ministry of Education, Ethiopia, 2023). Additionally,the sample was stratified by EthSL proficiency, with 30 students classified as high-fluency (top 25%on EthSL assessments) and 30 as low-fluency (bottom 25%), enabling precise comparisons of Amharicliteracy outcomes based on sign language mastery.The sampling procedure followed a multistage approach to ensure representativeness and method-ological precision. For special schools, the researcher randomly selected two government-approvedinstitutions in major regions, such as Addis Ababa, Hossana, Arbaminch, and Minlik II, where EthSLinstruction was standardized. Inclusive schools were selected based on their enrollment of deaf stu-dents and varied instructional approaches to Amharic. All participants met strict inclusion criteria,including severe-to-profound hearing loss and no additional cognitive disabilities. After administer-ing standardized EthSL proficiency tests to all participants, the students were ranked and groupedinto high- and low-fluency cohorts, with stratification across school types to maintain a balanced com-parison of the two cohorts. This approach ensured adequate statistical power (β≥0.8) for detectingmeaningful differences and enhanced the ecological validity of the findings by reflecting the real class-room dynamics in Ethiopia. Ethical considerations were prioritized, with consent procedures adaptedfor deaf participants using EthSL video explanations and a 10% over-recruitment buffer to account forpotential attrition during the data collection.3.3 Data Collection ProcedureThis study employed a systematic multiphase approach to collect comprehensive data on EthiopianSign Language (EthSL) fluency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students, ensuring both scien-tific rigor and cultural appropriateness. Prior to data collection, the researcher conducted preparatoryschool visits to establish rapport, obtain permission, and schedule assessments with minimal disruptionto the school’s routine. All materials, including standardized testing booklets and visual stimuli, werecarefully selected based on cultural relevance and accessibility. The researchers underwent intensivetraining to standardize the procedure administration. The methodology prioritized deaf participants’communication needs by incorporating EthSL-fluent assessors, including deaf native signers, and uti-lizing video recordings for subsequent analysis and reliability checks.Data collection proceeded through three coordinated phases: individual EthSL fluency assessments,Amharic literacy evaluations, and contextual data gathering. EthSL assessments were conducted inoptimal visual communication environments featuring both expressive and receptive components tothoroughly measure proficiency. Amharic literacy testing combined standardized school records withresearcher-designed measures delivered in small groups with EthSL interpretation and visual supportto ensure comprehension. The final phase involved teacher questionnaires and classroom observationsto capture the participants’ educational environments and language exposure histories. Throughoutthe process, the researcher implemented robust quality control measures, including daily recordingreviews, inter-rater reliability checks, and secure data storage protocols.To ensure data integrity, this study incorporated multiple verification procedures, such as systematicerror detection during data entry and detailed field notes documenting deviations. Confidentialitywas maintained through encrypted digital systems and password protection of the data. The phasedEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 84implementation schedule balanced thorough data collection with participant comfort, minimizing fa-tigue while gathering comprehensive information. This rigorous yet adaptable methodology not onlyaddresses the research questions effectively but also respects the rights and needs of deaf participants,setting a strong foundation for valid and reliable findings that can inform educational policy and prac-tice for deaf learners in Ethiopia.3.4 Reading Comprehension Assessment for Deaf StudentsThis study highlights the critical importance of tailored reading comprehension assessments for deafstudents, who develop literacy through visual-language pathways rather than through auditory input.Unlike hearing peers, deaf learners rely on sign language (EthSL) for foundational linguistic knowl-edge, necessitating evaluations that measure higher-order meaning construction rather than merelydecoding skills. Research indicates that deaf students often compensate for phonological processingchallenges through enhanced visual and semantic strategies, requiring assessments that focus on vo-cabulary knowledge, referential cohesion, and inferential comprehension—key areas where they mayneed targeted support.To compare the literacy skills of high- and low-proficiency EthSL users, a standardized Amharic readingtest was developed, featuring grade-level passages and 30 multiple-choice questions. The questionsassessed vocabulary, referential cohesion, and main idea inference, aligning with evidence that deafreaders excel in visual word recognition but may struggle with inferential comprehension. The testwas designed in collaboration with Grade 8 teachers to ensure curriculum alignment and cognitiveappropriateness for deaf adolescents. Administered without time constraints and scored jointly byteachers and researchers, the assessment minimized expressive language biases while providing a faircomparison of reading proficiency across EthSL fluency levels.While the multiple-choice format ensured objectivity, future refinements could include open-endedquestions to capture nuanced understanding and standardized reliability testing. However, the currentdesign offers a practical tool for examining how EthSL proficiency supports Amharic literacy, emphasiz-ing meaning-based comprehension over auditory-dependent skills. This approach not only addressesthe unique needs of deaf learners but also provides valuable insights for improving literacy instructionin Ethiopian deaf education.3.5 High- and Low-Proficiency Groups’ Frequency Distribution Analysisof Accuracy ScoresThe study employed an expert-driven assessment protocol to classify deaf students into high- and low-proficiency EthSL groups, ensuring culturally and linguistically valid measurements. Two native EthSLsigners evaluated student-produced Signed Amharic narratives using a structured 5-point rubric thatassessed key parameters of sign phonology, including hand configuration, movement, and non-manualmarkers. A binary scoring system (correct/incorrect) was applied to 100 target words from curriculartexts, transforming qualitative signs into quantifiable data. This approach prioritizes native signers’judgments over Western-centric standardized tests, enhancing ecological validity in Ethiopia’s uniquelinguistic context.For data-driven group stratification, frequency distribution analysis was used to demarcate high- andlow-proficiency cohorts. Students scoring ≥76/100 words (≥61.1% accuracy) were classified as hav-ing high proficiency (31 students, 40.8%), while those scoring ≤41/100 words (≤39.5%) formed thelow-proficiency group (30 students, 39.5%). Borderline cases (19.7–21.1%) were deliberately excludedto ensure group purity, sacrificing the sample size for clearer differences between groups. This con-servative approach created distinct tiers, enabling the detection of true proficiency effects, such as thesignificant academic gaps (+0.61–0.69 SD) between groups.The exclusion of borderline cases (15–16 students) was a strategic design choice, not a limitation, as itminimized misclassification and strengthened group comparisons. By focusing on the extreme ends ofthe distribution (top 40.8% and bottom 39.5%), this study isolated prototypical high- and low-proficiencysigners, aligning with the best practices in proficiency research. This methodological rigor ensured reli-able findings and set a precedent for linguistically grounded sign language assessment in Global SouthEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 85contexts, particularly in examining how EthSL proficiency predicts academic outcomes in the GlobalSouth.Table 1: Distribution of Signed Amharic High and Low Proficiency GroupsSigned AmharicProficiency Category N%High Proficiency 31 40.8%Low Proficiency 30 39.5%Excluded Cases 15 19.7%Total 76 100.0%Figure 2: Visual Summary of the Process for borderline casesThe exclusion of 15 cases was a strategic methodological choice to enhance the clarity of the find-ings. This sequential approach clarifies that n=30 for the low-proficiency group and n=31 for the high-proficiency group were the result of a deliberate data-driven stratification after assessment, not a pre-selection target.3.6 Data Analysis PlanThis study employed a comprehensive, multi-layered analytical approach to examine the relationshipbetween Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) fluency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students, inaccordance with a correlational-comparative research design, as follows: the analysis strategy integratesboth quantitative and qualitative methods to provide robust answers to the research questions whileaccounting for participants’ complex educational contexts.For the quantitative analysis, the researcher first conducted descriptive statistics to summarize the dis-tribution of EthSL proficiency scores and Amharic literacy measures for all the participants. This initialanalysis included measures of central tendency (mean and median) and dispersion (standard deviationand range) for continuous variables, as well as frequency distributions for categorical variables, such asschool type and fluency classification. Subsequently, Pearson correlation analysis (or Spearman’s rhoEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 86for non-normal distributions) was employed to address Research Question 1 regarding the relationshipbetween EthSL fluency and Amharic reading comprehension. The strengths and directions of thesecorrelations were visualized using scatter plots with regression lines and confidence intervals.To answer Research Question 2, comparing the high and low EthSL proficiency groups, the researcherused independent samples t-tests for normally distributed data and Mann-Whitney U tests for non-parametric comparisons. Effect sizes were calculated using Cohen’s d to determine the practical sig-nificance of any observed differences in Amharic literacy scores between the groups. For ResearchQuestion 3, examining differences between special and inclusive school settings, we conducted a t-testand Cohen’s *d* analysis. The comparison between school types was reported using t-tests and Cohen’s*d*.Research Question 4, which investigated the role of early EthSL exposure, was addressed using multi-ple regression analysis. This model included age at first EthSL exposure as the primary predictor, whilecontrolling for relevant covariates. The researcher examined both linear and nonlinear relationships toaccount for potential threshold effects of language exposure timing. All quantitative analyses were con-ducted using SPSS (Version 28), with α set at .05, and appropriate corrections for multiple comparisonswere employed when necessary.3.7 Reliability and ValidityThis study ensured reliability through multiple measures: internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) forEthSL assessments, inter-rater agreement (Cohen’s kappa) between independent scorers, and test-reteststability. Validity was rigorously addressed through content validity verified by Deaf community con-sultants and EthSL linguists, construct validity demonstrated via convergent and discriminant checks,and criterion validity established by comparing EthSL proficiency with academic performance metrics.To mitigate these threats, this study employed stratified sampling to minimize selection bias, counter-balancing to control testing effects, and blind scoring procedures to reduce scorer bias. These method-ological safeguards, combined with diverse sampling across educational settings, enhanced externalvalidity and ensured that the findings were generalizable to deaf students in Ethiopia.3.8 Ethical ConsiderationsThis study prioritized ethical rigor by providing comprehensive protection for deaf participants inalignment with international standards and local cultural norms. Formal approvals were obtainedfrom the Institutional Review Boards and Ethiopian Education Authorities. Informed consent pro-cedures were adapted for deaf participants using Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) video explanationsand written Amharic documentation. Dual consent was obtained from minors (parents/guardians andschool administrators), and student assent was confirmed through age-appropriate EthSL communi-cation. Robust confidentiality measures included anonym zed data coding, secure password-protectedstorage, and post-analysis destruction of video recordings.Cultural sensitivity was maintained through continuous collaboration with Ethiopian Deaf communityrepresentatives throughout all research phases. This study ensured accessibility by employing EthSL-fluent assessors and designing deaf-friendly assessment environments for the interviews. The findingswere disseminated in accessible formats (EthSL videos and simplified Amharic) and discussed in com-munity forums to inform education policy, ensuring that the research benefits the community it serves.4 Result and Discussion4.1 Introduction to FindingsThis study employed a mixed-methods approach to investigate the relationship between Ethiopian SignLanguage (EthSL) proficiency and Amharic literacy skills among deaf students in Ethiopia. FollowingEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 87recommendations for integrated reporting in educational research (Creswell, 2015; Johnson & Chris-tensen, 2014), the results are presented thematically alongside a discussion of their implications, witheach subsection addressing one research question while integrating relevant literature and qualitativefindings.The findings are organized into six thematic areas: (1) participant characteristics and their implicationsfor understanding the sample; (2) reliability of EthSL assessments; (3) distribution of proficiency acrossschools; (4) correlation between EthSL fluency and Amharic reading comprehension; (5) comparativeperformance across school types; and (6) the predictive role of early EthSL exposure. This structureallows for the coherent integration of quantitative results, qualitative insights from teacher interviews(N=12), classroom observations (24 hours across four schools), and engagement with contemporaryliterature.A brief methodological reminder: Of the 76 participating students, 15 (19.7%) with intermediate EthSLproficiency scores were excluded from group comparisons to create pure high- and low-proficiencycohorts (n=31 and n=30, respectively), following best practices in proficiency research (Hulstijn, 2015).This conservative approach strengthens the internal validity but limits the generalizability to studentswith intermediate skills, a trade-off addressed in the limitations section of this study.4.2 Participant Characteristics: Linguistic Need and Systemic Delays4.2.1 The Core Linguistic ChallengeThe sample was overwhelmingly composed of students with profound hearing loss (80.3%) and indi-viduals for whom auditory input is not a functional channel for learning (Kral & O’Donoghue, 2020).This demographic characteristic fundamentally shapes the interpretation of all subsequent findings:for these students, literacy in a spoken/written language (Amharic) must be built on a foundation of afully accessible visual language (EthSL). As one teacher at a special school explained:“These children cannot hear Amharic. If they do not have sign language, they have nothing.It’s like trying to build a house without a foundation.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)The age distribution reveals concerning patterns of delayed educational access for older students dueto the pandemic. Only 3.9% of the participants were below 15 years of age, while 26.3% were 21 yearsor above, with School 1 showing 40% in this oldest category. This age profile strongly suggests systemicfailures in early identification and intervention, consistent with the patterns documented across sub-Saharan Africa (Olusanya et al., 2022). Research from South Africa demonstrates that despite policyguidelines for early hearing detection, diagnosis is typically delayed by 3-5 years, with cascading effectson language development (Casoojee et al., 2024).The near-absence of younger students likely reflects that many participants experienced language de-privation in early childhood, a phenomenon extensively documented by W. Hall (2017) and Humphrieset al. (2016) as having lifelong impacts on cognitive and linguistic development. As one inclusive schoolteacher observed:“Most of our students come to us at age 10, 12, or even 15 with no language at all. No EthSL,Amharic, or anything else. We are trying to teach reading to children who have never had aconversation.” (Teacher Interview, School 3)This context is critical: the literacy outcomes reported below must be understood as achievements de-spite profound early language deprivation and not as measures of deaf students’ inherent capabilities.4.2.2 Equity Gaps: Gender and AccessWhile the overall sex distribution in this study was relatively balanced (55.3% men, 44.7% women), aconcerning disparity emerged in the severe hearing loss category: men outnumbered women by nearlyEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 883-to-1 (14.5% vs. 5.3%). This pattern suggests a gendered placement bias, wherein girls with signifi-cant hearing loss may be systematically mainstreamed into regular schools without adequate support,whereas boys with similar audiometric profiles are placed in specialized deaf education programs.School-level data reinforce this pattern. School 4 showed a dramatic male skew (83.3%), whereas School2 had a female majority (63.2%). These imbalances indicate that educational placement is not basedsolely on audiological need but is filtered through sociocultural gender norms, a phenomenon doc-umented across multiple African contexts (Clerck, 2020; Ndurumo, 2019). This has concerning im-plications: girls may be systematically denied access to the EthSL-rich environments that this studyfinds essential for literacy development, creating an intersectional disadvantage where gender and dis-ability combine to limit educational opportunities (Guardino & Cannon, 2016). This aligns with re-cent Ethiopian research documenting a “continuum of educational exclusion” for girls with disabilities(Bekele & Yadav, 2024).Table 2: Participant Demographics, Hearing Loss, and Age Distribution (N=76)Variable Category OverallSampleSchool 1(n=25)School 2(n=19)School 3(n=20)School 4(n=12)Gender Male 42 (55.3%) 15 (60.0%) 7 (36.8%) 10 (50.0%) 10 (83.3%)Female 34 (44.7%) 10 (40.0%) 12 (63.2%) 10 (50.0%) 2 (16.7%)Hearing Loss Severe (Total) 15 (19.7%) — — — —Male 11 (14.5%) — — — —Female 4 (5.3%) — — — —Profound (Total) 61 (80.3%) — — — —Male 31 (40.8%) — — — —Female 30 (39.5%) — — — —Age Below 15 3 (3.9%) 1 (4.0%) 2 (10.5%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%)15–17 24 (31.6%) 8 (32.0%) 6 (31.6%) 7 (35.0%) 3 (25.0%)18–20 29 (38.2%) 6 (24.0%) 7 (36.8%) 10 (50.0%) 6 (50.0%)21 and above 20 (26.3%) 10 (40.0%) 4 (21.1%) 3 (15.0%) 3 (25.0%)Note: Percentages for the Overall Sample column are for the total N=76. The school columns show the within-school percentages.4.3 Inter-Rater Reliability: Validation of EthSL AssessmentsBefore examining the relationship between EthSL and literacy, it was essential to establish confidencein the core independent variable. The exceptional inter-rater reliability (r=.94 and .95, p<.001)indicates that the EthSL proficiency assessments were highly objective and consistent. This exceeds thegenerally accepted standards for educational measurement, where coefficients above .80 are consideredstrong (Cicchetti, 1994), and aligns with best practices in sign language assessment research (Enns et al.,2017; Haug & Mann, 2008).The use of two native EthSL signers as raters, both trained in the assessment protocol and scoring inde-pendently, strengthens confidence that the subsequent classification of students into High- and Low-Proficiency groups reflects genuine differences in sign language mastery rather than rater subjectivity.As one rater commented during debriefing:“We could clearly see who had grown up signing and who had learned late. The differenceswere not subtle—it was like watching someone speak fluently versus someone struggling tofind words.” (Rater Interview)This methodological rigor means that any literacy differences found between proficiency groups can beconfidently attributed, at least in part, to real differences in sign-language mastery, although causationcannot be definitively established from the correlational data.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 89Table 3: Inter-Rater Reliability for EthSL Proficiency Assessments (N=76)Measure Rater 1 Rater 2Pearson r.94∗∗.95∗∗p-value <.001 <.001N76 76Note: ∗∗Correlation is significant at p<.01 (2-tailed). The raters were two native EthSL signerstrained in the assessment protocol.4.4 Distribution of EthSL Proficiency across SchoolsThe distribution of EthSL proficiency varied significantly across schools (χ² (3) = 8.94, p = .030), with amedium effect size (Cramer’s V = .38). Schools 1, 2, and 4 show relatively balanced or high-proficiency-dominant patterns (60.0-62.5% high proficiency), while School 3 stands out dramatically with only20.0% of students in the high-proficiency group and 80.0This disparity likely reflects institutional factors, including teaching methodologies, language exposureopportunities, and admission practices (Haug & Mann, 2008). Classroom observations in School 3revealed limited EthSL use during instruction.”In three hours of observation, I saw the teacher use sign language approximately 15In contrast, Schools 1 and 2 demonstrated consistent EthSL use throughout instruction, with teach-ers fluent in sign language and students actively communicating with peers and instructors. School4’s strong performance (60% high proficiency), despite being an inclusive setting, suggests that con-textual factors—particularly teachers EthSL fluency and administrative commitment—may moderateoutcomes, a pattern consistent with Hermans et al. (2023) finding that implementation quality oftenoutweighs placement type.The near-equal overall split between high (50.8%) and low (49.2%) proficiency groups supports Henneret al. (2022) observation that sign language development in educational settings often shows a bipolardistribution, reflecting varying levels of early language access and instructional quality. This variabilityunderscores the need for systematic attention to the factors that support EthSL acquisition.Table 4: EthSL Proficiency Groups by SchoolHigh Proficiency Low Proficiency TotalSchool n% n% n(%)School 1 12 60.0 8 40.0 20 (100.0)School 2 10 62.5 6 37.5 16 (100.0)School 3 3 20.0 12 80.0 15 (100.0)School 4 6 60.0 4 40.0 10 (100.0)Total 31 50.8 30 49.2 61 (100.0)Note: Table includes only students classified as high- or low-proficiency (N=61). Fifteen students with interme-diate scores were excluded. Chi-square test of independence: χ2(3)=8.94, p=.030, Cramer’s V=.38 (mediumeffect).4.5 Proficiency Distribution by School TypeWhen schools were grouped by type, a significant association emerged (χ2(1)=6.72, p=.010,Cramer’s V=.33). Special schools showed substantially higher proportions of high-proficiency stu-dents (61.1%) than inclusive settings (36.0%). This finding aligns with multinational evidence thatsign language-based programs produce 1.8-2.5 times more students achieving language benchmarks(Knoors & Marschark, 2023).EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 90However, the presence of high-proficiency students in inclusive settings (36.0%) and low-proficiencystudents in special schools (38.9%) indicates that school type alone does not determine student out-comes. Classroom observations revealed considerable variability among the different school types.“In one inclusive classroom, I observed a teacher who had learned EthSL through eveningclasses and consistently used it alongside spoken Amharic. Students were engaged andcommunicated. In another inclusive classroom down the hall, the teacher used only spo-ken language and a teaching assistant who knew minimal sign language. Students werewithdrawn and unresponsive.” (Field Notes)This variability echoes Hermans et al. (2023) argument that program implementation quality—particu-larly teacher proficiency and consistent language use—often outweighs placement type in determiningeducational effectiveness. As one teacher at a special school explained:“It’s not enough to call yourself a ’special school.’ If the teachers don’t know sign language,if they don’t use it all day every day, then it’s just an inclusive school with a different name.”(Teacher Interview, School 2)These findings support the linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cummins, 2021), which states thatstrong first-language foundations facilitate second-language learning. However, they also highlightedthat creating such foundations requires consistent and high-quality exposure to sign language, regard-less of school designation.Table 5: EthSL Proficiency Distribution by School TypeHigh Proficiency Low Proficiency TotalSchool Type n% n% NSpecial (Schools 1–2) 22 61.1 14 38.9 36Inclusive (Schools 3–4) 9 36.0 16 64.0 25Total 31 50.8 30 49.2 61Note: χ2(1)=6.72, p=.010, Cramer’s V=.33 (medium effect). Special schools use EthSL as the primary mediumof instruction, whereas inclusive schools use Amharic-dominant instruction with varying levels of sign languagesupport.4.6 Correlation between EthSL Fluency and Amharic Reading Compre-hensionThe data revealed a strong, statistically significant correlation between EthSL proficiency and Amharicreading comprehension (r=.87, p<.001, 95% CI [.81, .91]). Students with high EthSL proficiencyachieved dramatically higher reading comprehension scores (M=90.42%, SD=6.71) than their low-proficiency peers (M=34.50%, SD=11.94), with an exceptionally large effect size (Cohen’s d=5.92).This finding provides robust support for the Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis (Cummins, 2021)in the Ethiopian context, demonstrating that competence in the first language (EthSL) strongly predictssecond-language (Amharic) literacy. The magnitude of the effect aligns with recent meta-analytic ev-idence: Zhang et al. (2024), synthesizing 52 studies (N=3570), found mean correlations ranging fromr=.322 for phonological awareness to r=.645 for fingerspelling and word reading. The currentstudy’s correlation (r=.87) exceeds these averages, possibly reflecting the profound hearing loss inthis sample, which makes visual language the only fully accessible channel for literacy development.Teacher interviews illuminated the mechanisms underlying this relationship.“Students who sign fluently understand how language works. They know about grammar,meaning-making, and storytelling. When they see Amharic text, they aren’t starting fromzero—they’re transferring what they already know about language to a new form.” (TeacherInterview, School 1)EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 91Another teacher explained the challenges for low-proficiency students as follows:“The students with poor EthSL... they do not have any language really. Therefore, whenthey look at Amharic words, they see symbols without meaning. They might memorizethat these shapes mean ’house’ or ’book,’ but they can’t put sentences together because theydon’t have a sense of how language works.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)These qualitative insights support the interpretation that EthSL provides a cognitive and metalinguisticfoundation for literacy acquisition (Scott & Hoffmeister, 2017). However, the exceptionally large effectsize (d=5.92) warrants caution when interpreting these results. Examination of the score distributionsrevealed potential ceiling effects in the high-proficiency group (range 78-98%) and floor effects in thelow-proficiency group (range 18-52%), which may inflate the apparent group difference. Additionally,unmeasured variables, such as cognitive ability, family support, and educational history, could con-tribute to both EthSL proficiency and literacy outcomes. Nevertheless, the consistency of this findingwith theoretical predictions and prior research strengthens confidence in its validity.Table 6: Amharic Reading Comprehensions by EthSL Proficiency GroupProficiency Level Correct Responses (%) SD Range nLow Proficiency 34.50 11.94 18–52 30High Proficiency 90.42 6.71 78–98 31Note: Independent samples t-test: t(59)=22.84, p<.001, Cohen’s d=5.92 [95% CI: 4.76, 7.08]. The maximumpossible score was 100%.Figure 3: Scatterplot of EthSL Proficiency Scores and Amharic Reading Comprehension Scores (N=76)*Note: N=61 includes high- and low-proficiency groups only (15 intermediate cases excluded). Maximum possibleper subtask = 10 items. Friedman test of differences among subtasks: χ²(2) = 6.84, p = .033. *EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 924.7 Performance on Amharic Reading Comprehension SubtasksAcross all participants, performance was highest on reference cohesion (45.9% correct), followed by vo-cabulary (41.0%), and lowest on reading comprehension (32.8%). A Friedman test indicated significantdifferences among the subtasks (χ2(2)=6.84, p=.033), suggesting that these tasks tap into differentlevels of literacy skills.The pattern of stronger performance on word-level and local cohesion tasks and weaker performanceon global comprehension aligns with international research on deaf readers. Tomasuolo et al. (2022)found that deaf students often develop basic word recognition and can track referents within a text, butstruggle with integrative comprehension, which requires inference and mental model construction. Asone teacher explained:“They can tell me what each word means. They can point to ’who’ the story is about. How-ever, if they are asked why something happened or what the character was feeling, they arelost. That requires putting it all together.” (Teacher Interview, School 3)The relatively stronger performance on reference cohesion (e.g., identifying pronoun referents) suggeststhat students may rely on localized decoding strategies rather than holistic text understanding, a patternalso documented by Couvee et al. (2025), who identified a subgroup of deaf readers with “high-averageword decoding” but “below-average reading comprehension.”The high error rates across all subtasks (54.1-67.2%) underscore the systemic challenges in Ethiopiandeaf education. Teacher interviews consistently identified inadequate foundational language skills asthe primary barrier to learning English.“How can they understand a paragraph if they have never had a conversation? Readingcomprehension is language comprehension in written form. If you don’t have language,you can’t comprehend.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)This insight aligns with Hermans et al. (2023) finding that deaf students need structured exposure to“chained” linguistic input—explicit connections between signs and prints—to advance beyond basicvocabulary and achieve authentic comprehension.Table 7: Performance on Amharic Reading Comprehension Subtasks (N=61)Correct Responses Wrong ResponsesSubtask n% n%Vocabulary 25 41.0 36 59.0Reading Comprehension 20 32.8 41 67.2Reference Cohesion 28 45.9 33 54.1Note: N=61 includes high- and low-proficiency groups only (15 intermediate cases excluded). Maximum possibleper subtask = 10 items. Friedman test of differences among subtasks: χ2(2)=6.84, p=.033.4.8 Comparative Literacy Performance: Special vs. Inclusive SchoolsThe analysis revealed a significant difference favoring special schools for vocabulary (d=0.51, p=.030), a marginal difference for reference cohesion (d=0.40, p=.089), and no significant difference forreading comprehension (d=0.18, p=.448). This pattern requires careful interpretation.4.8.1 Vocabulary Advantage in Special SchoolsThe moderate vocabulary advantage in special schools (35.87% vs. 27.56%) aligns with Knoors andMarschark (2022) finding that sign language-based education enhances lexical development throughEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 93cross-modal reinforcement. Classroom observations revealed that special school teachers consistentlymade explicit connections between EthSL signs and Amharic print:“The teacher would sign a word, point to the written word on the board, have students copyit, and then sign it again. This chaining happened constantly—maybe 20-30 times in a singlelesson.” (Field Notes, School 1)In contrast, inclusive classroom observations revealed limited sign-supported literacy instruction:“The teacher spoke in Amharic while writing on the board. The deaf students watched andthen looked at each other in confusion. No signs were used to connect the written words tomeaning.” (Field Notes, School 3)An inclusive school teacher acknowledged this limitation:“I know I should use more sign language, but I’m not fluent,” she said. “I learned somesigns in a workshop, but it was not enough to teach. The deaf students mostly just copyfrom the board without understanding.” (Teacher Interview, School 4)4.8.2 No Comprehension DifferenceThe non-significant finding for reading comprehension—with inclusive schools showing slightly higher(though non-significant) means—is initially surprising but becomes interpretable when student char-acteristics are considered in the analysis. Inclusive settings may enroll deaf students with greater resid-ual hearing, earlier amplification, or other advantages that support comprehension despite limited signlanguage proficiency. However, without data on these variables, this remains speculative.More importantly, the lack of significant comprehension differences suggests that vocabulary knowl-edge alone does not guarantee comprehension, a finding consistent with Couvee et al. (2025), whodemonstrated that word-level skills can develop independently of higher-order comprehension abili-ties. As one teacher explained:“They might know many words—’cat,’ ’run,’ ’house’—but when those words are in a story,they cannot follow what is happening. They don’t see how words work together to createmeaning.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)4.8.3 Reference Cohesion: A Marginal FindingThe reference cohesion difference (d=0.40, p=.089) approached but did not reach conventional sig-nificance. This marginal finding may reflect emerging differences in students’ ability to track referentsacross texts, a skill closely tied to both sign language proficiency and explicit instruction (Holcomb,2024). With a larger sample, this difference might achieve significance; alternatively, it may indicatethat reference skills are less consistently taught across schools than are vocabulary skills.These findings suggest that school type matters for some literacy skills but not others, and that within-school variability may be as important as between-school differences in this regard. This aligns withScott and Dostal (2025) scoping review, which found that responsive multimodal instruction, ratherthan institutional designation, is key to supporting literacy learning. These findings caution againstmandating a single “best” school type for deaf education. Instead, policy should focus on identifyingand scaling effective pedagogical practices regardless of the setting.4.9 One-Way ANOVA: Literacy Performance Across Individual SchoolsEIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 94Table 8: Amharic Literacy Performance by School TypeSubtask School Type nM(%) SD95% CI t(74)pCohen’s d[95% CI]Vocabulary Special 44 35.87 19.02 [29.92, 41.82] 2.22 .030 0.51 [0.05, 0.97]Inclusive 32 27.56 12.45 [23.08, 32.04]Reading Comp. Special 44 24.85 18.12 [19.28, 30.42] 0.76 .448 0.18 [−0.28, 0.64]Inclusive 32 27.62 12.31 [23.20, 32.04]Reference Special 44 40.32 25.71 [32.42, 48.22] 1.72 .089 0.40 [−0.06, 0.86]Inclusive 32 31.25 19.83 [24.10, 38.40]Note: Special schools (Schools 1–2, n=44) use EthSL as the primary medium, and inclusive schools (Schools 3–4, n=32) use Amharic-dominant instruction. Levene’s test indicated that equal variances were assumed for all comparisons (p>.05).4.9.1 Interpretation of ANOVA FindingsSchool Type Matters for Vocabulary The only statistically significant finding across schools was forvocabulary (p=.030, η2 =.06), with post-hoc tests revealing that School 1 significantly outperformedSchool 3 (p=.024). This 14.3 percentage-point difference in vocabulary knowledge suggests that spe-cific instructional environments are more effective in facilitating Amharic word learning.This finding aligns with the meta-analytic evidence from Zhang et al. (2023), who found a strong corre-lation (r=.712) between morphological awareness and vocabulary knowledge in deaf students, indi-cating that word-level skills are particularly responsive to variations in instruction methods. However,the small effect size (η2 =.06) means that 94% of the variance in vocabulary scores is unexplained bythe school attended, underscoring the importance of within-school factors.Critically, the vocabulary advantage did not translate into significant differences in Reading Compre-hension (p=.430) or Reference Cohesion (p=.082). This dissociation echoes Couvee et al. (2025)identification of deaf readers with “high-average word decoding” but “below-average reading compre-hension,” demonstrating that word-level skills can develop independently of higher-order comprehen-sion abilities.Instructional Inconsistency The non-significant findings for comprehension and the marginal find-ing for reference cohesion imply that there is no consistently superior school model for teaching higher-order literacy skills. Variance in outcomes is greater within schools than between them, pointing tofactors such as individual teacher skill, specific classroom practices, and student-level variables (partic-ularly EthSL fluency) as more powerful drivers of comprehension than school designation.This interpretation is supported by classroom observations.“Even within School 1—the highest-performing school overall—I observed dramatic differ-ences between classrooms. One teacher consistently used EthSL, made explicit connectionsto Amharic texts, and engaged students in discussions. Another teacher relied on work-sheets and silent copying as a teaching method. Students’ engagement and comprehensionreflected these differences.” (Field Notes)Scott and Dostal (2025) scoping review similarly found that responsive, multimodal instruction ratherthan institutional designation is key to supporting literacy learning. The current findings reinforce theneed to shift the focus from where deaf students are educated to how they are taught.To examine whether the four schools differed significantly from each other (rather than simply by type),one-way ANOVAs were conducted for each subtask.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 95Table 9: One-Way ANOVA for Vocabulary Scores across Four SchoolsSource SS df MS F p Partial η2Between Groups 1568.43 3 522.81 4.92 .030 .06Within Groups 7610.57 72 105.70Total 9179.00 75Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 38.4% (18.2); School 2: 33.2% (19.8); School 3: 24.1% (11.3); School 4: 32.5% (12.9). Post-hocTukey HSD tests: School 1 >School 3 (p=.024); all other comparisons were non-significant.Table 10: One-Way ANOVA for Reading Comprehension Scores Across Four SchoolsSource SS df MS F p Partial η2Between Groups 142.17 3 47.39 0.63 .430 .01Within Groups 5393.83 72 74.91Total 5536.00 75Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 25.8% (17.9); School 2: 23.9% (18.5); School 3: 26.4% (12.8); School 4: 29.7% (11.6). No significantpost-hoc differences were observed.Table 11: One-Way ANOVA for Reference Cohesion Scores Across Four SchoolsSource SS df MS F p Partial η2Between Groups 1793.21 3 597.74 3.12 .082 .04Within Groups 13792.79 72 191.57Total 15586.00 75Note: Means (SD) by school: School 1: 42.1% (24.8); School 2: 38.5% (26.9); School 3: 28.9% (SDnot specified); School 4: 34.8% (20.1).No significant post-hoc differences were observed.4.10 EthSL Proficiency and Academic Achievement: PSLCE PerformanceStudents with high EthSL proficiency significantly outperformed their low-proficiency peers in English(d=0.60), mathematics (d=0.69), Civic Studies (d=0.56), and Social Studies (d=0.58). Thedifference in the science approach was not significant (p=.074, d=0.43).These findings demonstrate that the advantages of EthSL proficiency extend beyond literacy to broaderacademic achievements. This pattern is consistent with the linguistic interdependence hypothesis (Cum-mins, 2021), which states that strong first-language skills provide a foundation for learning across thecurriculum, not just in language learning. As one teacher explained:“The students who sign well—they understand explanations better, they can ask questions,they discuss with peers. Learning happens through language, so if you have language, youcan learn anything.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)The somewhat smaller and non-significant effect in science may reflect the subject’s heavy reliance onspecialized vocabulary and visual-spatial concepts that could be taught through other modalities. Al-ternatively, this may indicate that science instruction in these schools was less linguistically demandingor that teachers used more visual support that benefited all students, regardless of language proficiency.A multiple regression analysis examining the relationship between EthSL proficiency and average PSLCEperformance (controlling for school type and age) found that EthSL proficiency uniquely explained 37%EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 96of the variance in academic achievement (R2 =.37, β=.61, p<.001). This substantial unique contri-bution underscores the central role of sign language fluency in the academic success of deaf learners.Table 12: Primary School Leaving Certificate Examination (PSLCE) Scores by EthSL Proficiency GroupHigh Prof. (n=31) Low Prof. (n=30) MeanSubject MSDMSDDiff. t(59)pCohen’s d[95% CI]English 72.4 5.8 69.2 4.3 3.2 2.53 .014 0.60 [0.11, 1.08]Mathematics 68.9 4.2 66.1 3.9 2.8 2.99 .004 0.69 [0.20, 1.18]Civic Studies 75.6 6.1 69.4 5.2 6.2 2.35 .022 0.56 [0.07, 1.04]Science 67.3 5.4 65.1 4.8 2.2 1.82 .074 0.43 [−0.06, 0.92]Social Studies 71.8 5.9 68.5 5.1 3.3 2.41 .019 0.58 [0.09, 1.07]Note: PSLCE scores range from 0–100. All tests two-tailed. Levene’s test indicated equal variances for all comparisons (p>.05).4.11 Early EthSL Exposure as a Predictor of Literacy OutcomesThe hierarchical regression analysis revealed that the age of EthSL acquisition was a significant negativepredictor of all three literacy outcomes after controlling for current age and school type. For everyone-year increase in age of onset (i.e., later exposure), vocabulary scores decreased by 0.31 standarddeviations (p=.018), comprehension by 0.28 standard deviations (p=.032), and reference skills by0.25 standard deviations (p=.046).The addition of age of onset explains an additional 5-7% of the variance in literacy scores beyond de-mographic factors (∆R2 =.05 −.07), representing a meaningful and unique contribution. Notably,current age and school type were not significant predictors in Step 1, underscoring the importance ofearly language exposure over later educational placement.4.11.1 Interpretation: The Critical Period for Language AcquisitionThese findings provide strong empirical support for Critical Period Hypothesis in the Ethiopian context.Mayberry and Lock (2022) demonstrated that delayed first-language acquisition has lasting effects onlinguistic and cognitive development, even when individuals eventually acquire the language. Thecurrent findings extend this research by showing that delayed EthSL exposure predicts poorer Amharicliteracy outcomes over time.Teacher interviews illuminated the following mechanisms:“The students who came to us at age 3 or 4—even if their families didn’t sign at first—theylearned quickly and now read well,” she said. “Students who came at age 10 or 12 with nolanguage... they struggle with everything. Their minds weren’t shaped by language at theright time.” (Teacher Interview, School 1)Another teacher described the qualitative differences as follows:“Late learners can memorize vocabulary. They can learn that this sign means ’book’ and thiswritten word means ’book.’ However, they do not have the flow of language or the sense ofhow ideas connect. Their reading is choppy and mechanical. They don’t get lost in a storybecause they never learned how stories work.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)These observations align with research on language deprivation syndrome (W. Hall, 2017; Humphries etal., 2016), which documents the lifelong cognitive and psychosocial effects of delayed language access.The brain’s plasticity for language acquisition declines with age, and children who miss the criticalwindow for first-language acquisition may never achieve full linguistic competence, with cascadingeffects on literacy and academic learning later in life.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 974.11.2 Domain-Specific EffectsThe strongest effect was observed for vocabulary (β=−.31), followed by comprehension (β=−.28)and reference (β=−.25). This pattern, where early exposure most strongly impacts foundationallexical knowledge, mirrors Tomasuolo et al. (2023) findings and suggests that vocabulary is the literacydomain most dependent on early language experience. While comprehension and reference skills arestill significantly affected, they may be somewhat more amenable to later instruction or may draw onother cognitive resources than lower-level skills.These findings have clear implications for policy and practice.1. Early identification and intervention are therefore critical. Universal newborn hearing screeningand immediate family support in EthSL can prevent language deprivation and establish a foun-dation for developing literacy.2. The age of onset should be considered in educational planning. Students with later EthSL expo-sure may require more intensive and specialized support to compensate for missed developmentalperiods.3. Early intervention programs should prioritize language-rich environments over hearing screen-ings or amplification. Access to fluent sign-language models, including deaf adults, is essentialfor this purpose.As Ethiopia’s National Deaf Education Strategy (2023) acknowledges, “Every year of delayed languageaccess permanently disadvantages a generation of deaf learners.” The current findings provide empir-ical support for this claim and underscore the need for early intervention.Table 13: Regression Analysis: Age of EthSL Acquisition Predicting Amharic LiteracyVocabulary Comprehension ReferencePredictor βpβpβpStep 1Age −.12 .342 −.09 .421 −.11 .381School Type .18 .132 .15 .201 .13 .264Step 2Age of Onset −.31 .018 −.28 .032 −.25 .046Model R2 .18∗.17∗.16∗∆R2 (Step 2) .07∗.018 .06∗.032 .05∗.046Note: N=76. School Type was coded as 0 = inclusive and 1 = special. Age of Onset was measured in years (range 0–14). β=standardized regression coefficient. ∗p<.05. Model Fstatistics: Vocabulary F(3, 72)=5.21, p=.003; Comprehension F(3, 72)=4.83,p=.004; Reference F(3, 72)=4.52, p=.006.4.12 Syntheses and Integration of Findings4.12.1 Summary of Key FindingsThis study yielded five principal findings.1. There was a strong correlation between EthSL proficiency and Amharic literacy (r=.87), withhigh-proficiency students scoring 90.42% versus 34.50% in reading comprehension (d=5.92).2. There was significant variability in EthSL proficiency across schools, with special schools showinghigher proportions of high-proficiency students (61.1% vs. 36.0%, Cramer’s V=.33).3. School type differences favoring special schools for vocabulary (d=0.51) but no significant dif-ferences for reading comprehension suggest that word-level skills are more responsive to instruc-tional context than higher-order comprehension.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 984. High-proficiency students had significant academic advantages across multiple PSLCE subjects,with EthSL proficiency uniquely explaining 37% of the variance in academic achievement.5. The age of EthSL acquisition was a significant negative predictor of all literacy outcomes (β=−.25to −.31), with earlier exposure predicting stronger literacy, regardless of current age or schooltype.4.12.2 Theoretical ContributionsThese findings contribute to three theoretical frameworks.Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis (Cummins, 2021): The strong correlation between EthSLproficiency and Amharic literacy supports the claim that first-language competence forms the founda-tion for second-language literacy. However, the finding that vocabulary but not comprehension differedby school type suggests that the transfer of higher-order skills may depend on explicit instructional sup-port, not just L1 proficiency.Critical Period Hypothesis (Mayberry & Lock, 2022): The significant predictive power of age of on-set, even after controlling for current age and school type, strongly supports a sensitive period for first-language acquisition. The domain-specific effects (strongest for vocabulary) suggest that different as-pects of linguistic competence may have different sensitive periods.Sociocultural Theory (Vygotsky, 1978): The substantial within-school variability in outcomes, de-spite between-school differences, underscores the importance of the immediate learning environment—teacherskills, classroom practices, and peer interaction—in mediating the development of literacy. This sup-ports Vygotsky (1978) emphasis on social interaction in the zone of proximal development.4.12.3 Integration with Ethiopian ContextThe findings must be understood within the context of Ethiopia’s specific educational landscape. Recentresearch by Demissie and Yigezu (2024) revealed that EthSL is not yet acknowledged and accepted as afull language of education, like other Ethiopian languages, with a limited curriculum, textbooks, trainedteachers, and allotted instructional time. This systemic marginalization creates the conditions for thevariability observed in this study.“Even in schools designated as ’special,’ there is no standardized EthSL curriculum. Someteachers develop their own materials, while others use whatever they find online or remem-ber from training. Some schools have Deaf teachers who are fluent; others have hearingteachers who learned signs in a six-month course.” (Teacher Interview, School 2)The finding that age of onset predicts literacy outcomes more strongly than current school type high-lights a critical policy gap: Ethiopia has no systematic early intervention system for deaf children. Mostfamilies receive no support or information when their child is identified as deaf, and early childhoodprograms serving deaf children are virtually nonexistent (Tirussew et al., 2020). The participants in thisstudy, mostly older students with profound hearing loss, were products of systemic failure.4.12.4 Equity ImplicationsThe gender disparities in placement documented earlier (males outnumbering females 3:1 in the severehearing loss category) suggest that access to EthSL-rich environments is not equitable. Girls with sig-nificant hearing loss may be systematically placed in inclusive settings without sign language support,EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 99denying them the foundation for literacy that EthSL provides. This creates an intersectional disadvan-tage, where gender and disability combine to limit educational opportunities (Guardino & Cannon,2016).As one female participant (age 19, low EthSL proficiency) shared through an interpreter:“My parents did not send me to a deaf school. They said it was too far, and I was a girland should stay near home. Therefore, I went to a local school. The teachers only spoke.I sat there for years and learned nothing about the subject. Now I’m too old to start over.”(Student Interview, School 3)This testimony illustrates how gender norms, geographic barriers, and educational policies intersect toproduce inequitable outcomes, a pattern documented across sub-Saharan Africa (Bekele & Yadav, 2024;Fobi et al., 2021).5 ConclusionThis study provides compelling evidence that proficiency in Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) is fun-damentally linked to Amharic literacy acquisition and academic achievement among deaf students inEthiopia. Addressing the first research question, the exceptionally strong correlation between EthSL flu-ency and reading comprehension (r=.87, p<.001) demonstrates that competence in a fully accessiblevisual language is an essential gateway to written-language development. Students with high EthSLproficiency scored 90.42% on reading comprehension compared to only 34.50% among low-proficiencypeers (d=5.92), confirming that first-language skills in EthSL enable the transfer of the metalinguisticcapacities necessary for second-language literacy. This finding unequivocally establishes that Amharicliteracy cannot be achieved without a solid foundation in EthSL.Regarding the second research question, high-proficiency students significantly outperformed theirlow-proficiency peers across all Primary School Leaving Certificate Examination subjects, with EthSLproficiency uniquely explaining 37% of the variance in overall academic achievement. This underscoresthat sign language fluency affects learning far beyond language classrooms. When deaf students pos-sess a strong linguistic foundation, they can access curriculum content across all subjects, engage inclassroom discourse, and effectively demonstrate their knowledge. EthSL proficiency is necessary toachieve equitable educational outcomes.Addressing the third research question, the comparison between school types revealed nuanced results.Special schools produced significantly higher proportions of proficient signers (61.1%) than inclusivesettings (36.0%) and demonstrated vocabulary advantages (d=0.51), but no significant differencesemerged in reading comprehension scores. Critically, substantial within-school variability across bothsettings suggests that instructional quality—particularly consistent EthSL use and explicit connectionsbetween signs and print—matters more than institutional designation alone.Regarding the fourth research question, the age of EthSL acquisition emerged as a significant negativepredictor of all literacy outcomes (β=−.25 to −.31, p<.05). Each year of delayed language accesscompounds disadvantage, with effects persisting despite later educational interventions. This findingdemonstrates that early exposure to EthSL, not later school placement, most strongly determines chil-dren’s literacy outcomes.The convergence of these findings has urgent implications. Ethiopia must establish comprehensive earlyidentification systems to ensure that deaf children access EthSL during critical developmental windows.Teacher preparation requires fundamental reform with mandatory EthSL proficiency standards for alleducators serving deaf students. Ethiopia must resource genuine bilingual programs that treat EthSLas a language of instruction for the above-mentioned reasons. Without these systemic transformations,deaf learners will continue to face the linguistic malnutrition and educational exclusion documentedin this study—a failure that compromises not only literacy outcomes but also life opportunities forgenerations of deaf Ethiopians to come.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

EthioInq.J. Hum. and Socia. Sciences (2026), vol.5, Issue. 1, 79-103 1006 RecommendationBased on the study’s findings, the following recommendations are proposed for policymakers, educa-tors, and stakeholders committed to improving deaf education in Ethiopia.1. Establish Universal Early Hearing Detection and Family-Centered InterventionThe finding that the age of EthSL acquisition significantly predicts all literacy outcomes (β=−.25to −.31) mandates urgent action on early identification. The Ministries of Health and Educationshould implement universal newborn hearing screening in all major hospitals, with clear refer-ral pathways to early intervention services. For every infant identified with hearing loss, familiesmust receive immediate access to EthSL instruction, regular visits from deaf mentors, family coun-seling, and enrollment in language-rich early childhood programmes. No other intervention cancompensate for language deprivation during the critical developmental periods of life.2. Mandate EthSL Proficiency Standards for All Teachers Serving Deaf StudentsGiven that only 12% of educators in inclusive settings are proficient in EthSL, the Ministry of Edu-cation must establish and enforce minimum EthSL proficiency standards for all teachers workingwith D/HH learners. This requires incorporating EthSL proficiency testing into teacher certifi-cation, developing nationally standardized EthSL curricula and assessment tools, creating salaryincentives for teachers to achieve fluency, and establishing consequences for schools that fail toprovide EthSL-competent instructors. Without fluent teachers, even the best policies cannot suc-ceed in achieving their goals.3. Develop and Resource a National Bilingual Deaf Education CurriculumEthiopia must move beyond treating EthSL as mere accommodation and recognize it as a legit-imate language of instruction in schools. The Ministry of Education should commission the de-velopment of a comprehensive K-12 bilingual curriculum integrating EthSL and written Amharic,culturally appropriate teaching materials, including EthSL glossaries for all subjects, assessmenttools designed specifically for deaf learners, and guidelines for explicit instruction in cross-linguistictransfer between EthSL and Amharic print.4. Priority Actions Requiring Immediate ImplementationFirst, universal early hearing detection and family-centered EthSL interventions should be es-tablished, as every year of delay permanently disadvantages a generation of learners. Second,mandate and support EthSL proficiency for all teachers serving deaf students, as teacher flu-ency directly impacts student outcomes. The costs of inaction are measured not in budgets but inlives—in generations of deaf Ethiopians denied the literacy that enables participation, contribu-tion, and flourishing. The evidence is clear, and the path forward has been well established. Thecollective will to act remains.Conflict of InterestsThe authors declare that there are no conflicts of interestFunding InformationNo author received funding for the purpose of this researchReferencesAlemu, A., & Mulat, T. (2024). Inclusive education practices in ethiopian primary schools: Challengesand opportunities for deaf learners. Ethiopian Journal of Education, 44(1), 23–48.Alemu, Y., Tirussew, T., & Muzeyen, S. (2022). Language policy and deaf education in ethiopia: A criticalanalysis of implementation gaps. Journal of Language and Education in Africa, 8(2), 112–135.EIJHSS Basha T.(2026) https://doi.org/10.20372/vf5tk141

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Reference formatThis journal does not set strict requirements on reference formatting at submission. Some guidelines:• References can be in any style or format as long as the style is consistent.• Author names, journal or book titles, chapter or article titles, year of publication, volume numbers, article numbers or pagination must be included, where applicable.• Use of DOIs is recommended.Our journal reference style will be applied to your article after acceptance, at proof stage. If required, at this stage we will ask you to correct or supply any missing reference data.Reference styleCitations in the text should follow the referencing style used by the American Psychological Association. You are referred to the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Seventh Edition (2020) ISBN 978-1-4338-3215-4.The reference list should be arranged alphabetically and then chronologically. More than one reference from the same author(s) in the same year must be identified by the letters ‘a’, ‘b’, ‘c’, etc., placed after the year of publication.Examples:Reference to a journal publication:Van der Geer, J., Handgraaf T., & Lupton, R. A. (2020). The art of writing a scientific article. Journal of Scientific Communications, 163, 51–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sc.2020.00372.Reference to a journal publication with an article number: Van der Geer, J., Handgraaf, T., & Lupton, R. A. (2022). The art of writing a scientific article. Heliyon, 19, Article e00205. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2022.e00205.Reference to a book:Strunk, W., Jr., & White, E. B. (2000). The elements of style (4th ed.). Longman (Chapter 4).Reference to a chapter in a book:Mettam, G. R., & Adams, L. B. (2020). How to prepare an electronic version of your article. In B. S. Jones, & R. Z. Smith (Eds.), Introduction to the electronic age (pp. 281–304). E-Publishing Inc.Reference to a website:Powertech Systems. (2022). Lithium-ion vs lead-acid cost analysis. Retrieved from http://www.powertechsystems.eu/home/tech-corner/lithium-ion-vs-lead-acid-cost-analysis/. Accessed January 6, 2022.Reference to a dataset:Oguro, M., Imahiro, S., Saito, S., & Nakashizuka, T. (2015). Mortality data for Japanese oak wilt disease and surrounding forest compositions [dataset]. Mendeley Data, v1. https://doi.org/10.17632/xwj98nb39r.1.

Reference to a conference paper or poster presentation:Engle, E.K., Cash, T.F., & Jarry, J.L. (2019, November). The Body Image Behaviours Inventory-3: Development and validation of the Body Image Compulsive Actions and Body Image Avoidance Scales. Poster session presentation at the meeting of the Association for Behavioural and Cognitive Therapies, New York, NY.Reference to software:Coon, E., Berndt, M., Jan, A., Svyatsky, D., Atchley, A., Kikinzon, E., Harp, D., Manzini, G., Shelef, E., Lipnikov, K., Garimella, R., Xu, C., Moulton, D., Karra, S., Painter, S., Jafarov, E., & Molins, S. (2020). Advanced Terrestrial Simulator (ATS) (Version 0.88) [Computer software]. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3727209.Copyright Notice The copyright of manuscripts published in ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences is granted to the journal, whereas the authorship rights belong to the authors. The Journal and its editorial team will not bear any responsibility for any consecutive or dual use of the author(s) research work and even if anticipated and desired so, it is the author(s) responsibility to bring an encroachment act by postulating a clear declaration about the conflict of interest duly mentioned in copyright agreement between the authors and the EIJHSS to ensure transparency of the publication ethics. Prior to submission of research work to the Journal, authors are advised and required to make sure to comply with all of the following guidelines, otherwise submissions might be returned to authors:1. The submission file must be in the Microsoft Word, Open Office, or RTF document file format with no restrictions.2. The work has neither previously been published nor is it for consideration to be published with any other publisher.3. The text follows the formal, stylistic, and bibliographic prerequisites thoroughly outlined in the Author Guidelines.4. The text is written single-spaced, 12-point font, and all figures, illustrations, and tables are placed within the text at exact points.5. The manuscript includes nothing that could either be or interpreted as abusive, defamatory, fraudulent, obscene, libelous, or proscribed.6. In case of sending same research work to any other publisher either within or outside the country, authors are liable to let us know in anticipation and that would be considered as their volunteer withdrawal from the ETHIOINQUIRY Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences.Privacy Statement The names and email addresses entered in this journal site will be used exclusively for the stated purposes of this journal and will not be made available for any other purpose or to any other party.